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1 | 2009-12-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-egypts-football-fundamentalists | In light of the ongoing Egypt-Algeria football controversy, local sports commentators and news outlets have spoken of the need for diehard football fans to support the Egyptian national team and to protect Egyptian spectators. Such calls have grown increasingly strident since the violent acts of hooliganism - variously referred to in the local press as "Algerian terrorism" and "barbaric assaults" - perpetrated in Sudan on 18 November, which resulted in the injury of some 15 Egyptian fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egyptian sportscasters and pundits have repeatedly called for the enlistment of rough-and-ready fans from working-class districts of Cairo ahead of scheduled matches in order to confront would-be hooligans. There have also been calls for the mobilization of Egypt's "football fundamentalists," known as the "Ultras." Had these two elements been present at the match in Sudan, the Egyptian team would have won the game and Egyptian fans would have been safe from Algerian hooliganism - at least that's the argument. In Latin, the term "Ultra" means "beyond," while its current, local usage refers to the enthusiasm of sports fans that goes far beyond that of normal people. The label first emerged in the late 1960s when it was used to describe the hardest-core fans of football teams in the UK, Europe and South America. With their choreographed "tifo" displays, these dedicated sports fundamentalists would show up at matches in the hundreds or thousands, often equipped with flares, drums and massive banners. The term "Ultras" does not only apply to fanatics of football, but also to those of other sports, including basketball, volleyball and handball. In Egypt, there are five distinct groups of Ultras that support five different football clubs. The Zamalek's White Knights and Ultras Ahlawy were established in 2007, to be followed by the Masry's Green Eagles, Ismaili's Yellow Dragons and the Ultras 300 of Tanta. A leading member of the White Knights, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the match in Sudan had been attended by only a handful of Ultras. "Only a few of our members attended. This is because none of the Ultras support the national team per se," he said. "There are no Ultras for the Egyptian national team - only normal fans and some ordinary hooligans. But we Ultras go above and beyond this level of support. "While it's true there was a bus loaded with Ultras - including both White Knights and Ahly Ultras - in Sudan, this was an exception," he added. "This isn't the way we operate. None of the Ultras would organize for the national team, only for their respective clubs." Nonetheless, "this busload of Ultras confronted the Algerian hooligans and was able to protect female Egyptian football fans in the area," he added. The White Knight went on to describe what happened in Sudan as "nothing out of the ordinary." "The level of Algerian hooliganism was in no way exceptional. We frequently see higher levels of violent hooliganism between competing Egyptian clubs both during and after matches, where scuffles break out and stones are thrown," he said. "In fact, we Ultras sometimes attack our own club members and managers when their performances fall into decline. This is our way of encouraging them to improve their performance." He went on to refer to one Zamalek basketball fan who suffered serious burns in February 2008 when Ahly fans hurled incendiary bombs at Zamalek fans following the defeat of their team. "Eleven of our fans have been imprisoned and nine have been charged with assaulting soldiers following a match in 2008 between the army's football team and Zamalek," he said. "Following Zamalek's defeat, our fans pelted soldiers with stones and the soldiers retaliated in kind. Soldiers even unleashed dogs on us... The Algerian hooliganism that took place in Sudan pales in comparison to the violent hooliganism that takes place here in Egypt - or anywhere else in the world for that matter," he concluded. Similar "football wars" have been fought in the past, including a full-fledged military conflict in July 1969 following FIFA World Cup qualifying matches between El Salvador and Honduras. With El Salvador's victory, nationalist sentiments where whipped into a frenzy by media from both sides until war was formally declared. Over 2,000 civilians - mostly Honduran - and some 1,000 troops from both countries were killed in the violent aftermath, while another 300,000 civilians - mostly Salvadoran - were rendered homeless. |
2 | 2009-12-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/when-all-else-fails | Science is an engine of progress. Perhaps more importantly critical thinking, skepticism and a culture of research and contemplation are the engines of civilization. And so when Hazem Zohny in Science and faith among Egyptians: Compatible? googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); finds that less than 10 percent of Egyptians accept evolution theory while some 40 percent have never heard of Darwin we should be alarmed. In dealing with the scientific, we have capitulated to religion. But we should not be surprised. It is all too possible that as we face increased poverty, disparity, human rights abuses - in Rights groups call Egypt a "police state", we report that once again independent human rights organizations reiterate that police torture is systematic and that a "state of impunity" rules - and diminishing options people might opt to turn their backs on civilization. From hijab - towards which we have complex attitudes as Ashraf Khalil explains in Hijab-free Zones? - to niqab. From tolerance to bigotry. From basic street courtesy to mayhem. Last week's Eid vacation being a case in point as those - mostly of veiled women - who braved crowded streets were harassed by the masses of young men out to have a good time. There were no incidents as collectively violent as 2007's episodes but the level of tension women now face on Egyptian streets is intimidating nonetheless. There can be little doubt that this is the same mindset as those who descended on Zamalek before the holiday with the sole aim of attacked the Algerian Embassy after Egypt lost the World Cup qualifying match to Algeria in the Sudan. They are the young men whom the mainstream press has all but unanimously called "the real Egyptians." We have been told by all and sundry that these men would have represented us gloriously (read: beat the living daylights out of the Algerians) should the government had the sense to send them to Sudan instead of the artistic types (read: wimps). And so it has come to be: the hooligan is now the venerated Egyptian citizen. As a leading journalist commented to me at the height of the Egypt-Algeria hysteria: "No one seems to care that these hooligans will be the very ones to burn down Cairo sometime in perhaps the not so distant future." But then, critical, insightful thinking is not always a hallmark of our collective consciousness. I remind you of evolution theory never mind football. |
3 | 2010-12-25 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/19-zamalek-fans-handed-one-year-prison | The Qasr al-Nil Misdemeanor Court on Saturday sentenced 19 Zamalek football club fans to a year in prison, and referred 12 others to a juvenile court. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); 31 Zamalek "Ultras" were questioned on charges of rioting at the Ahly club, causing damage at the sports establishment and firing flares following a handball match between the two customary rivals. Meanwhile, Zamalek football club has called for reconciliation with Ahly and expressed readiness to compensate for the damages incurred. Translated from the Arabic Edition. |
4 | 2011-04-24 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/post-revolutionary-ultras-still-full-fight | The difference between ultras and casual soccer fans is simple but crucial. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "What separates ultras from normal fans is how radical they are," explains Mohamed Gamal, sportswriter, author of the upcoming "Ultras Handbook" and in 2007 founder of the Zamalek White Knights. In short, ultras are the type of supporters commonly referred to as "soccer hooligans" - a term that seems well-deserved considering their history of violent antics and vandalism. In a country where soccer is as much an issue of personal pride as a national sport, and where, until recently, 'freedom of expression' was largely limited to expressions of triumphant victory or crushing defeat on the field, it comes as no surprise that tensions constantly ran high between the opposing groups, as well as authorities. In recent weeks there has been a renewed focus on the ultras. Three weeks ago an all-out brawl erupted during a match between Tunisia and Zamalek in which several members of the Tunisian team and an Algerian referee were injured. Some local media reported that ultras were mobilized during the 18-day uprising that led to the ouster of president Hosni Mubarak, both on the anti- and pro-regime sides. But even in the new era of political openness, ultras plan to remain apolitical and committed to their usual antics. Despite being a die-hard Zamalek supporter, Gamal recently left the group (to "focus on other interests," he claims) but is still considered an authority on the ultras movement in general. "They are extremists, if you want to use that word," he says. "And like all extremists, they make people a little anxious." There is no shortage of well-documented incidents - including the recent Zamalek-Tunisia clash - between Egypt's two largest ultras groups, the White Knights and the Ultras Ahlawy, as well as other, smaller groups such as the Yellow Dragons from Ismalia, or Tanta's 300. However, Gamal argues that the media is partly to blame for the largely negative public opinion. "First, there's the problem of the media not understanding the individual groups and, as such, not being able to differentiate between them," explains Gamal. "So, they end up clumping them all together under the same name - ultras." Another problem, he says, is the lack of what he calls "respectable and reliable" sports journalists. "A lot of sportswriters and media personalities are paid to slander a certain group, or shift public opinion against them for the sake of an opposing team," he claims. Nevertheless, and as Gamal is quick to corroborate, "the ultras do tend to get violent very quickly." His explanation for the Zamalek-Tunisia brawl is simply that "the fans were unhappy with a decision made by the referee, and they went down to the pitch. Which is normal." Surprisingly, Gamal's dismissal of the stadium-wide altercation as a typical byproduct of ultra-fuelled belligerence is not shared by current members of the White Knights, particularly those who claim to have been there. Gathering in front of the Tunisian embassy days after the incident, a large group of White Knights held up banners and posters and called out chants, in an attempt to apologize for the assault. Those who had been directly involved in the ruckus seemed the most penitent. "Most Tunisians wouldn't accept our apologies on Facebook and internet sports sites," complained 21-year-old Omar Madar. "That's why we're here." If the Tunisians rejected the initial wave of Facebook apologies, it's safe to assume that the White Knights' second attempt at reconciliation - which Gamal would probably describe as being "typically" aggressive - also failed to win them over. Despite being gathered for a shared purpose, the group of approximately 300 supporters argued loudly among themselves, trading insults, orders and threats. The less abrasive members playfully shoved each other into the street and passing traffic. The fact that they all seemed to be sober robbed them of any potentially redeeming excuse. "We had no intention of destroying anything or attacking anyone," Madar said, recalling the Zamalek-Tunisia game. "We even went to the game with banners supporting the Tunisians' revolution." "We cheered and saluted their team when they came onto the pitch," he said. "I don't know what sparked that fight," says his friend and fellow White Knight Amir Mohamed. "But I remember thinking it was weird that the police weren't searching anyone at the stadium. We [my friends and I] thought it probably had something to do with the tension that still existed between police and civilians, but they still should have searched people." "I'm a good person with good intentions," Mohamed says. "But there were other people there who you couldn't say that about, and they should have been searched." When asked about whether he joined the sudden violence or remained in the stands as many fans did, Mohamed answers without hesitation. "Of course I went down there. The White Knights have one thing on their mind - the Zamalek team. I had to go down there and support them in any way that I could." "Besides," he insists, "everyone else was doing it." Ignoring all inquiries into the exact methods of his "support," Mohamed instead clarified, "We're not trying to blame this on the National Democratic Part, or suggest that there was some conspiracy behind the fight. It was just a bunch of excited fans with nobody to stop them." "It was a trap," he said, "and we fell into it." It remained unclear who Mohamed and other similarly-thinking White Knights believe was responsible for setting the trap, as at that point the interview was interrupted by an elderly Knight who pushed this Al-Masry Al-Youm reporter aside and asked for "cover" so that he could urinate against a parked car. This type of behavior is the lighter side of what people seem to expect from ultras in general, and while it is generally frowned upon, Gamal suggests that it gave them an upper hand in the chaos of the recent revolution. "The ultras are not politically active," he says, dismissing recent suggestions extremist fan groups had mobilized in support of either the protesters or former president Hosni Mubarak. While several recognizable figures such as national team coach Hassan Shehata and Hossam and Ibrahim Hassan, who share a history as twin idols of pettiness and bad sportsmanship, took to the streets in support of the toppled dictator, encouraging intimidation tactics and outright violence, Gamal argues that the ultras failed to form a united front, and instead reacted as "Egyptians rather than soccer fans." "They didn't mobilize as a group, or anything like that," Gamal states. "The only difference between an ultra and a normal protester is that the former knows how to take on a state security officer, out of previous experience." Four ultras were killed in the 18-day uprising that led to Mubarak's resignation. "The ultras just treated it like a typical fight," he explains. "They went in there and bashed heads and took rubber bullets, and kept fighting. They're used to it." |
5 | 2011-05-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-activists-plan-15-may-march-gaza | In the wake of youth-led uprisings across the Arab world, several international activist groups are calling for a "march of millions" into Gaza. The march is scheduled for 15 May, the 63rd anniversary of the establishment of the state of Israel - commonly referred to in Arabic as googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); the Nakba, or catastrophe. The march seems to have resulted from simultaneous calls for a large initiative to mark the anniversary made by several unrelated international activist groups, including some inside the Palestinian territories. Since its announcement, the initiative has been described by various online groups as "The 2011 March of Return," "The Palestinian Refugees' Revolution," and, in some cases, "The Third Palestinian Intifada." The number of similar groups, both online and on the ground, multiplied shortly after Facebook, at the request of the Israeli government, shut down one of the earliest Palestinian-based pages calling for the march. In Egypt, the movement is being organized by a coalition of groups, including the seasoned pro-democracy movement Kefaya, a new pro-Palestinian group called Kollana Makawma (or We are All the Resistance) and two contingents of hardcore football enthusiasts, or Ultras. Buses will depart from Cairo's Tahrir Square at noon on 14 May and then meet up with more protesters in Suez. Planners say they hope to reach Gaza by the evening, march on the border crossing, and participate in the marches and protests inside the Palestinian territory scheduled for the following morning. Though many of the logistics of the trip remain unclear, activists say they are not concerned about the feasibility. Besides the march, protests are also scheduled to be held outside the Israeli embassy. Egyptian activists are using the opportunity to push for local demands regarding Israel as well. "Through this initiative, we are calling for the cessation of gas exports to Israel and the release of all Palestinian prisoners held in Egyptian jails," explains Salma Shukrallah, an Egyptian and founding member of the Kollana Makawma movement, which is helping spearhead the local campaign. Other demands agreed upon by the coalition of participating Egyptian groups include the permanent reopening of the Rafah border, the normalization of Egypt-Gaza trade relations, and the cancellation of the QIZ (Qualifying Industrial Zones) agreement between Egypt and Israel. First and foremost among their demands, and one shared by all international groups participating in the march, is the "assertion of the right of exiled Palestinians to return to their homeland," as stated on the press statement by the Egyptian coalition. "The former [Egyptian] regime was largely responsible for driving and enforcing the sanctions on Gaza, even when international agreements called on Egypt to keep the Rafah border open," said Halim Heneish, a founding member of the Youth Movement for Justice and Freedom. Heneish believes that after the toppling of the former regime it is now possible to achieve the coalition's goals. Moreover, Heneish insists that the call for the liberation of Gaza will, in a way, help ensure the formation of an Egyptian government that represents Egyptians' concern for and allegiance to the Palestinian people. "The Zionist government," he says, referring to the current Israeli regime, "will never be satisfied with the formation of an Egyptian government that properly, and truthfully, represents the Egyptian people since, by definition, such a government would not be an ally to Israel, or willing to meet its demands." "Israel is the source of the counter-revolution now taking place in Egypt," Heneish said, reiterating his belief that the Israeli government will do whatever it takes to prevent the formation of a regime that reflects Egypt's largely anti-Israel constituents. Meanwhile, plans for the march do not seem to have been affected by the news of a reconciliation deal between Fatah and Hamas, signed last Tuesday in Cairo. "The Nakba is marked by commemorative events every year, all round the world," Shukrallah said. "Due to the recent revolutions, people expected this year's commemoration to be larger and more effective." In response to suggestions that the march to Gaza might complicate or hamper the reconciliation, which stipulates the formation of a new technocratic government and could potentially lead to the revival of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), Shukrallah said, "There's always a reason to criticize or delay initiatives such as [the march]. People have different opinions." "When people voice their demands and put pressure on the ruling powers, it makes a difference when the time comes for political changes," Shukrallah said. "If anything, this march will hasten and assert Palestinian unity." But the success of the 15 May march is far from assured. Activists say they are unsure "whether or not we'll be granted entry into Gaza." Meanwhile, Israel has received news of the march with growing concern. Israel National News, the online version of Arutz Sheva radio, has described the march as an "assault" with the intention of "intimidating and embarrassing Israel." Last year, a flotilla of ships bringing international aid to Gaza was attacked by Israeli commandos, leaving nine pro-Palestinian activists dead. The online news source also reported that in anticipation of the march, Egypt's army has heightened its alert and intensified its forces in areas around the border, reportedly planning to seal off all entries to North and South Sinai. Meanwhile, even some who are sympathetic to the cause question the potential of the 15 May march. "Any gesture against the Israeli entity is a positive thing, but this doesn't seem to be a realistic plan," said Tamim al-Barghouti, a Palestinian-Egyptian poet, during a poetry event at the Journalists Syndicate last month. |
6 | 2011-07-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/trouble-zamalek-match-fans-riot-set-seats-fire | Ten Central Security recruits and officers were injured in clashes with football fans on Thursday evening during a match between Zamalek and Wadi Degla at Cairo Stadium that ended in a tie. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); According to Major General Salah al-Sherbiny, assistant interior minister for the Central Security Forces, initial reports said that eight recruits and two officers sustained fractures and bruises from the fighting. Ultras, a network of football supporters whose disenchantment with police has put them on the front line of the revolution, chanted before the clashes, "Tomorrow in Tahrir: revolution and change." The scuffle broke out in the third-tier seats as 400 fans protested against police, as well as referees, who they said were biased against Zamalek, according to security sources. Security officials asked Zamalek Club Director Ibrahim Hassan to calm the public, but a large number of fans refused to listen to him and set seats on fire. The Central Security Forces eventually emptied the stadium and arrested some spectators, after which the military inspected the damage. Translated from the Arabic Edition |
7 | 2011-08-10 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/elbaradei-ultras-spread-message-graffiti-campaign-alexandria | A group of Mohamed ElBaradei supporters calling themselves "ultras" have started a campaign in Alexandria supporting him for the presidency and making use of graffiti slogans in poor neighborhoods. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ultras have sprayed the slogan "The Dream is Approaching" on the walls of the city and placed his picture next to it. "This is the first time in Egypt that graffiti has been used for campaigning," said Mohamed Farouk, an ultra supporter of ElBaradei. "We use the white, red and black colors, which are the colors of the Egyptian flag." Farouk added that the campaign concentrates on the popular areas and poor quarters of the city. Translated from the Arabic Edition |
8 | 2011-08-10 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/elbaradeis-supporters-use-street-art-highlight-presidential-bid | Supporters of presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei in Alexandria have decided to use graffiti to support his candidacy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The group calls itself Baradaawy Ultras, an apparent reference to radical football fans, and is touring streets at night to draw pro-ElBaradei graffiti on walls. It started its first campaign in the Mina al-Bassal area, west of Alexandria. The effort was not well-received by residents, some of whom said the group was defacing walls. The group also distributed leaflets to passers-by to explain the objectives of the campaign and list where their upcoming tours will be. Mohamed Farouq, a graffiti artist and member of the campaign, said this is the first time graffiti is being used in a presidential campaign in Egypt. Graffiti is not widespread in Egypt, but it does have enthusiasts, he said. Translated from the Arabic Edition |
9 | 2011-08-11 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/dos-and-donts-pregnancy | "Don't dye your hair, don't wear tight clothes, don't drive, don't leave the house..." are common pieces of advice that pregnant women might hear during their pregnancy. "They are unfounded, and there are even studies proving that these kinds of fears are not rationale," explains the Cairo-based gynecologist, Hussein Gohar. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Aya, is pregnant and she read that cycling or running should be avoided. Gohar explains that some women think that doing any form of exercise is bad for the baby. "On the contrary, doing exercise is good and doesn't increase the risk of miscarriage, it is recommended to do exercise a few weeks before the delivery date. It is good for the baby's weight and height." Batoul is seven months into her pregnancy; she was advised to avoid X-rays and any kind of radiation or electrical gates, just like Mohal and Aya. Again, "This is not founded," asserts Gohar. In fact, those machines emit little radiation and if X-rays are recommended, it's certainly better to have those, to make sure the fetus is healthy. "By the way," Gohar says, "ultrasound machines do not reveal the fetus' soul." Mohal is a future mother, and she was advised to listen to classical music, such as Mozart. "I should start doing it, as it's good for the sense of listening" she says. Same for Aya, "I was told that I should either talk to my baby or make it listen to Mozart, but I don't really have time to do that unfortunately." To this, Gohar replies, "When Mozart's mum was pregnant, she obviously wasn't listening to her son's future compositions, so it won't make your baby more gifted by listening to classical music." The doctor explains that some women fear that wearing tight clothes or sitting cross legged might suffocate the baby by putting the umbilical cord around its neck. "The fetus is getting oxygen through blood and doesn't breathe, so there's no risk of strangling it except during delivery," says Gohar. Pregnant women, like Aya or Batoul, were told by their doctors that fasting was ok during Ramadan as long as they didn't feel dizzy or dehydrated. Both tried; Aya felt fine and so decided to carry on. "I eat bean sandwiches, so they stay in my stomach, and I drink a lot of milk," says Aya. When Batoul tested herself, "I felt thirsty and tired after the first day, so decided not to fast." Gohar insists that it's not ok to fast while pregnant. "The fetus needs to receive proteins and other essential nutriments continuously and not only once per day," he says. It's the same deal during breast feeding, he says. A woman feeding her baby through her blood or milk, should have a diet as healthy as possible to fill the baby's essential needs. Some of Gohar's patients believe that sexual intercourse or wearing high heels might be a cause for miscarriage. "High heels will not lead to miscarriage, but they are a reason for back pain. As regards to sexual intercourse, it's untrue," says Gohar. On the contrary, sex might be more pleasurable because of the change in the woman's body, which might ease the vaginal lubrication. The Cairo-based gynecologist also saw women coming to him asserting that drinking too much water might harm the fetus, as it would increase the water around it. "Yet, the water is actually mainly urine and will not prevent the baby from breathing," explains Gohar. Ahmed Fayed, a Cairo based psychiatrist, explains: "Fears like those might happen during the pregnancy because women are more sensitive due the increase of hormones in their bodies." "Women probably wouldn't believe what people advise them to do during pregnancy, but because of their condition, they believe everything related to their baby." |
10 | 2011-09-07 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/mubarak-trial-updates-tantawi-summoned-testify-court-reconvene-thursday | 6:06 pm: googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The 8th and 9th witnesses will testify Thursday. 5:48 pm: The court acquits the fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, of perjury charges. 5:40 pm: The court has decided to summon Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, head of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, to testify in a secret session on Sunday. Also to be summoned are: Armed Forces Chief of Staff Sami Anan on Monday, former Intelligence Director Omar Suleiman on Tuesday, Interior Minister Mansour al-Essawy on Wednesday and former Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy on Thursday. The judge has imposed a gag order on media outlets and forbidden coverage of all sessions from Sunday to Thursday. 5:38 pm: Live broadcasts on state TV show an ambulance carrying Mubarak from the academy. 5:30 pm: Plaintiffs' lawyer Sameh Ashour, a former head of the Lawyers' Syndicate, told Al Jazeera that the plaintiffs' lawyers don't trust the witnesses since six of them come from the police. It's clear that their testimonies are made up, said Ashour, adding that the plaintiffs' lawyers will file a request to hold the first witness in custody on grounds of perjury. The first witness, General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa, head of communications for Central Security Forces, told the court that Adly didn't order the shooting protesters. This testimony contradicts with what Moussa claimed previously when investigated by prosecutors. 5:00 pm: Some of the plaintiffs' lawyers are demanding to reinvestigate the whole case and add high treason to Mubarak's criminal charges. 4:24 pm: Martyrs' families outside the Police Academy have expressed deep dissatisfaction over the witnesses' testimonies, which undermine the case against Mubarak and Adly. Mohamed Abdel Fatah, who said his son died by a bullet on 29 January, accused the witnesses of telling lies. He told Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent that he believes their testimonies were fabricated to favor Mubarak and Adly. 3:53 pm: Gameel Said, Ramzy's lawyer, was beaten by anti-Mubarak protesters outside the Police Academy, Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent reports. 3:48 pm: State TV reports that the seventh witness, former Police Major Tarek Abdel Moneim, told the court that he could not identify who exactly shot him when he was wounded by a pellet. Moneim also said he saw a man named Mostafa al-Sawy, who got injured in the face. Later on, he found out Sawy had died. He said he saw policemen carrying shields, sticks, guns, which were used to deploy tear gas bombs as well as pellets and rubber bullets. However, he did not see policemen armed with live ammunition weapons, Moneim said. 3:47 pm: The court is in recess. Most of the martyrs' families who were protesting outside the Police Academy have left, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent. Hassan Abu Aleneen, a plaintiff's lawyer, said that he believes today's session will end within 30 minutes, the correspondent says. 3:22 pm: State TV reports that the seventh witness, Tarek Abdel Moneim - a former police officer who joined protesters on 28 January - has told the court that he got injured by a pellet during the revolution. He affirmed that other protesters were wounded while walking by his side on 28 January. 3:20 pm: Prominent journalist and TV host Wael al-Ebrashy, who is attending the trial, told reporters that he believes the witnesses were pressured to undermine the prosecution. According to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent, Ebrashy said that holding the fifth witness in custody for perjury represents a warning to all witnesses. 3:18 pm: State TV reports that the defendants' lawyers asked the court to hold the first witness in custody on grounds of perjury. The first witness, General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa - the head of the Central Security Forces (CSF) communications - on Monday told the court he heard Ahmed Ramzy, the head of CSF and one of Adly's aides on trial, saying there would be attacks on police stations and the Interior Ministry headquarters. Moussa said Ramzy then decided unilaterally to arm policemen with automatic weapons and live ammunition. 3:12 pm: The seventh witness, Tarek Abdel Moneim, a former police officer who joined protesters on 28 January, testifies. 3:10 pm: Al Jazeera earlier spoke with a Mubarak supporter who denied that Mubarak and others on trial are responsible for killing the protesters. As shown in this video, the woman, raising Mubarak's picture and standing outside the courthouse, told the reporter: "It is Iran, Hizbullah, Palestine, Qatar and some Iraqi Shia who killed protesters." "Mubarak, his sons, [the former] interior minister and generals are innocent," she added. 3:03 pm: Security is being tightened outside the court, state TV reports. 2:46 pm: The sixth witness, Police Sergeant Abdel Hameed Rashed Abul Yazeed, begins his testimony. 2:40 pm: The session resumes. 2:10 pm: Here's a summary of reactions over the fifth witness, Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeen Mohamed of Egypt's Central Security Forces. The most serious challenge for the defendants' lawyers so far has come after Judge Refaat decided to hold Mohamed in custody. Plaintiffs' lawyers and prosecutors told the judge that the captain changed his testimony, and accused him of perjury. During his testimony, Mohamed denied the use of live ammunition against protesters. But in March, he told prosecutors that Central Security Forces were supplied with live ammunition. So far, only one witness, General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa, head of communications for Central Security Forces, has testified against any of the accused. Moussa said Ahmed Ramzy, former assistant minister for the Central Security Forces, ordered the supply of the Central Security Forces with live ammunition. Nabil Medahat Salim, Ramzy's lawyer, told Al Jazeera that the first witness's testimony doesn't pose a challenge for Ramzy, because the witness didn't realize any orders to supply forces with automatic weapons and only heard it over a handheld radio. All the witnesses so far are various ranking police officers who belong to the same department in the Central Security Forces. Meanwhile, one of the lawyers has demanded that General Mohsen al-Fangary, assistant defense minister, be summoned to testify about the killing of protesters. 1:55 pm: The court is in recess. 1:44 pm: Judge decides to hold the fifth witness in custody on grounds of perjury. 1:30 pm: Prosecutors accuse the fifth witness of perjury. 1:21 pm: Prosecutors demand that the fifth witness be prosecuted on grounds of recanting his original testimony. Meanwhile, 20 young men rally outside the Police Academy and insult police. The police remain self-restrained. Military officers intervene to calm protesters down. 1:00 pm: Here's a wrap-up of the testimony of the fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed. Like the other prosecution witnesses, he denies the use of live ammunition during the revolution. He only learned about the shooting of protesters from TV, he says. State TV reports that Judge Refaat asked Mohamed, "What were you assigned to do between 25 and 28 January?" Mohamed replied, saying that between 25 and 27 January, he was stationed in the Central Security Forces camp. On the 28th, he was sent out with the first brigade. "What kind of arms did you carry?" Refaat asked. He said soldiers and officers were armed with sticks, shields, tear gas bombs and pistols loaded with pellets. He denied that Central Security Forces were armed with live ammunition. The judge said, "Some victims were shot with live ammunition, who you think had shot them?" He replied saying, "I do not know." He added that Central Security Forces officers are usually prohibited from carrying any machine guns or their personal pistols - which normally are loaded with live bullets - when they are sent out to demonstrations. 12:55 pm: Mubarak's main lawyer, Farid al-Deeb, leaves the courtroom, state TV reports. 12:50 pm: The plaintiffs' lawyers reject the participation of Kuwaiti lawyers in Mubarak's defense team. 12:45 pm: State TV reports that plaintiffs' lawyers agreed that Sameh Ashour, a former head of the Lawyers' Syndicate, will represent them during the current session. 12:30 pm: A woman who supported Mubarak went to the anti-Mubarak protesters and tried to defend the former president, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent outside the Police Academy. The move lead to clashes between the two sides, but the atmosphere is calm now. 12:29 pm: The fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, begins his testimony. 12:20 pm: The courtroom is calm after plaintiffs' lawyers reached an agreement about their demands, state TV reports. Meanwhile, Mubarak's supporters - around 10 people - leave the Police Academy area through a back door. Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent says they were guarded by police. 12:12 pm: State TV says that the plaintiffs' lawyers who withdrew from the hearings earlier returned back. Prior to the recess, they demanded a 15-minute break to coordinate among themselves. 12:06 pm: The session resumes. 12:02 pm: Around 10 Mubarak supporters have arrived at the Police Academy, Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent reports. Anti-Mubarak protesters approached them and started chanting anti-Mubarak slogans. 11:55 am: Journalist Farah Saafan tweets that police are sexually harassing anti-Mubarak female protesters. 11:50 am: The pro-Mubarak Facebook page "I'm Sorry Mr. President" expresses deep anger after one of the plaintiffs' lawyers insulted Mubarak during the hearings. The page administrator said that insulting the former president is "the worst incident in the history of the Egyptian judiciary." 11:48 am: Al Jazeera reports that the plaintiffs' lawyers demand that Prime Minister Essam Sharaf be summoned to testify about allegedly smuggled money. 11:40 am: Anti-Mubarak protesters are chanting against Egypt's military rulers outside the Police Academy, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent there, saying "Expose your chest for bullets, we are calling for retribution," and "Oh, mean Tantawi, the blood of martyrs is not cheap," among other slogans. 11:38 am: Judge Refaat orders a three-minute court recess, which is the first during this session. 11:32 am: Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent inside the courtroom confirms earlier reports that one of the plaintiffs' lawyers insulted Mubarak during the hearings. 11:17 am: In Wednesday's session, three witnesses from Egypt's are due to testify before the court - Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, Police Sergeant Abdel Hameed Rashed Abul Yazeed and former Police Major Tarek Abdel Moneim. Moneim has previously told the prosecutors that a police general and 15 of his aides broke into the building of the American University in Cairo, facing Tahrir Square, and opened fire against protesters from inside. 11:14 am: Al Jazeera's Mubashir Misr channel reports that Sameh Ashour, a former head of the bar association, and some of the lawyers representing victims' families have withdrawn from the hearings in objection to "chaotic" conditions inside the courtroom. 11:10 am: State TV reports that one of the plaintiff's lawyers insulted Mubarak during the hearings. 11:00 am: State TV says that the plaintiffs' lawyers demanded that Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, former intelligence chief Omar Suleiman, and former First Lady Suzanne Mubarak be summoned to court to give their testimonies. Meanwhile, Mohamed Zahran, a relative of one of the protesters killed during the revolution, shouts at the anti-Mubarak protesters, demanding that they stop cursing and chanting anti-police slogans. "The media are deploying such acts to ridicule our cause and provide a legitimate pretext for the police to crackdown on us," Zahran told Al-Masry Al-Youm outside the courtroom. State TV airs live footage from outside the courtroom with protesters raising banners that depict Mubarak's head surrounded by gallows. The banners read: "Put the serial killer on trial." 10:55 am: Al-Arabiya channel, quoting a source inside the courtroom, reports that Judge Ahmed Refaat refused to enter the courtroom because of lawyers chanting anti-Mubarak slogans in the courtroom. 10:52 am: State TV says the plaintiffs' lawyers are telling the court their demands. 10:40 am: A group of Ultras Ahlawy are playing with firecrackers and chanting anti-Mubarak slogans. Clashes erupted between the ardent football fans and security forces outside the Police Academy. No casualties have been reported so far. 10:30 am: Egypt's flagship paper Al-Ahram reported today that the Interior Ministry has decided to tighten its security measures around Gate 8 of the Police Academy. 10:29 am: State TV reports that five Kuwaiti lawyers are being seen inside the courthouse. 10:26 am: State TV reports that the trial has started. 10:28 am: Verbal clashes erupted in the courtroom between the defendants' lawyers and members of martyrs' families. Judge Ahmed Refaat, according to state TV, refused to enter the courtroom unless lawyers of both sides keep quiet. 10:00 am: Images from state TV show an ambulance carrying Mubarak stopping outside the courtroom, guarded by armed and masked army officers. Mubarak entered a room in the academy and a hospital bed was brought outside the room. Mubarak is seen laying on the bed and wearing a blue Lacoste tracksuit (according to Egyptian law, defendants on trial must be dressed in white). 9:55 am: A plane carrying Mubarak arrives at the Police Academy from the International Medical Center, where the former president is being hospitalized. 9:25 am: Some people are starting to gather around the Police Academy. Eyewitnesses said they are mainly anti-Mubarak protesters; their numbers are much fewer than the previous sessions. Rumors are circulating that a number of ardent football fans, known as the Ultras, may join the crowd to protest what they perceived as police brutality against their members on Tuesday night when Central Security forces chased Ahly fans outside the Cairo Stadium premises after they chanted slogans against Mubarak and Adly. 8:15 am: A team of five Kuwaiti lawyers, who previously announced that they will join the defense team of the ousted president, is being kept in a room close to the courtroom. No information is provided as to whether they will be allowed to enter the courtroom or not. 8:00 am: State TV reports that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and his six aides, along with Mubarak's sons, arrived at the Police Academy. 7:00 am: Trial of former President Hosni Mubarak is to convene for its fourth session Wednesday morning. Summary of the 5 September session: Four policemen took the stand Monday to supposedly testify against Mubarak and his top security officials. However, their testimonies fell short of proving that Mubarak and his notorious former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly did not order the use of weapons against protesters. The first witness General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa, head of communications for Central Security Forces, said Ahmed Ramzy, former assistant minister for the Central Security Forces, was responsible for the order to arm Central Security Forces with automatic guns. The courtroom became chaotic after a pro-Mubarak lawyer raised the former president's photo, a move that infuriated the lawyers of the plaintiffs and members of the martyrs' families. Outside the court, scores of people were injured in clashes between Mubarak's supporters and anti-Mubarak protesters. |
11 | 2011-09-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/mubarak-trial-updates-adly-implicated-mubaraks-fate-be-determined-sunday | Wrap-up of Thursday's session: googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); On Thursday, the fifth session of Mubarak's trial saw witnesses accuse the former minister of interior of ordering the shooting of protesters. Police Commander Essam Shawky, the eighth witness, told Judge Ahmed Refaat that Adly ordered to quell the anti-government protests this year by 'any means,' state television reported. Shawky, who served in the anti-riot police during the popular uprising against Mubarak, presented to the court a CD that he said contained scenes showing police firing on demonstrators. The ninth witness, Police General Hassan Abdel Hameed, confirmed Shawky's testimony. He told the court that he attended a meeting on 27 January in which Adly ordered implementation of "Plan 100," a secret plan whereby police would deter protestors from reaching Tahrir Square by any and all means. "[The eighth witness] has dropped a bombshell," said Mohamed Zarea, a lawyer representing 500 injured and martyrs, arguing that his testimony proves that Adly was involved in the killing of protesters. Zarea told Al-Masry Al-Youm in a phone interview that Shawky's testimony proves that Adly instigated "all illegal practices that occurred during the revolution," added Zarea. "By the same token, Mubarak, who authorized Adly to crush the demonstrations, should be held responsible for what happened," said Zarea. In the session, Adly's lawyer attempted to undermine the credibility of prosecution witness General Abdel Hameed, saying he has documentation of a dispute between Adly and Hameed. In the following session, scheduled for Sunday, Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi is due to testify in a closed session. "The appearance of Tantawi, Anan, Soliman, a former interior minister and the incumbent minister proves that it is a serious trial and not a play," said Zarea who added that "The testimonies of Tantawi will be critical." On May, Tantawi said during the graduation ceremony at the Police Academy that the Armed Forces had refused to open fire on protesters. If Tantawi tells the court that he was asked to mobilize the armed forces to crush the protests," this will imply that that the same request was addressed to the Interior Ministry earlier," Zarea added. "I think [Tantawi's] testimony will prove that Mubarak was involved and aware of the killing of protesters," he added. 4:42 pm: State TV broadcasts Mubarak being wheeled out of Police Academy on his gurney. 4:38 pm: Court adjourns until Sunday. 3:56 pm: Former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly's lawyer attempts to undermine the credibility of prosecution witness General Hassan Abdel Hameed, saying he has documentation of a dispute between Adly and Hameed, according to state TV. 3:48 pm: Court is in recess. 2:41 pm: A group of people are chanting against the police outside the academy while whacking a poster of Mubarak with their shoes, Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent reports. 2:40 pm: Al Jazeera reports Abdel Hameed as saying "Plan 100" includes shooting at protesters and securing Gamal Mubarak's transportation despite the earlier state TV report that he knows nothing about the plan. 2:28 pm: State TV quotes Abdel Hameed, the ninth witness, as saying "'Plan 100' is a secret plan for Central Security Forces and I don't know it." 2:20 pm: More than 10 Facebook pages have cropped up saluting Police Commander Essam Shawky, who testified today saying that Adly ordered protesters killed. 2:05 pm: More security forces are arriving outside the court, according to Al-Masry Al Youm's correspondent. 2:00 pm: General Hassan Abdel Hameed tells the court that, during a meeting with top police officials on 27 January at 1:30 pm, Adly discussed "Plan 100." Hameed says the plan authorized police to block Tahrir Square entrances and use any means to prevent protester numbers from reaching 1 million. Abdel Hameed says that Ahmed Ramzy, former assistant minister for Central Security Forces, said at the time that his forces could apply something stricter than "Plan 100." Abdel Hameed claims he objected to the plan, and Adly responded by transferring him to another post to "learn how to disperse protesters." Abdel Hameed also testifies Adly told his aides during the meeting that he would order internet and phone service cut. 1:30 pm: Police Commander Essam Shawky, the prosecution's eighth witness, has informed the court that General Hassan Abdel Hameed attended a meeting at the Ministry of Interior with Adly and his aides on 27 January. Shawky said Abdel Hameed, who is testifying before the court, told him that Adly ordered his aides to use any means necessary to disperse protesters, state TV reports. 1:13 pm: Head Judge Ahmed Refaat listens to the prosecution's ninth witness General Hameed. 1:10 pm: When asked if he had a comment about Police Commander Essam Shawky's testimony, Mubarak told the judge that he has no comment. Adly told the judge that the testimony was completely incorrect, state TV reports. 1:07 pm: The trial reconvened a few minutes ago, state TV reports. 1:00 pm: Anti-Mubarak protesters burn his photo while chanting "Allah Akbar" (God is great). 12:30 pm: Protesters outside the Police Academy are chanting against Egypt's military rulers, Mubarak and Adly. 12:17 pm: State TV reports court in recess. 11:15 am: Police Commander Essam Shawky: I warned the public prosecutor to seize all Central Security Forces records before they could be damaged. 11:12 am: Adly ordered internet and the phone service cut, according to Shawky. 11:08 am: Shawky: Adly ordered police officers to support Central Security Forces and ordered them armed with automatic weapons. He also gave orders to hide police vehicles inside the Police Academy. 10:52 am: Shawky says he told the public prosecutor during questioning that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and his aides ordered the killing of protesters. He also says Adly ordered protesters dispersed by any means. 10:45 am: Head Judge Ahmed Refaat calls the prosecution's eighth witness, Police Commander Essam Shawky, to the stand. 10:40 am: State TV reports that the trial has started. 10:13 am: A small group of martyrs' relatives are outside the Police Academy. Pro-Mubarak protesters have not yet appeared, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent. "It's obvious. They are playing with the people. The prosecution witnesses changed their testimonies. This is a charade," Abdel Karim Ibrahim, whose brother Moustafa Ibrahim was on 28 January, told Al-Masry Al-Youm. 10:08 am: State TV broadcasts footage of the ambulance carrying Mubarak arriving outside the Police Academy guarded by armed and masked army officers. A hospital bed is brought to a room where the former president is waiting to take him into the courtroom. 9:55 am: A plane carrying Mubarak arrives at the Police Academy from the International Medical Center, where the former president is being hospitalized between court sessions. 9:25 am: A small crowd is gathering outside the Police Academy. Eyewitnesses say they are mainly anti-Mubarak protesters; their numbers are much smaller than during previous sessions. Rumors are circulating that a number of ardent football fans, known as the Ahlawy Ultras, may join the crowd to protest what they perceive as police brutality. Central Security forces chased Ahly fans outside the Cairo Stadium for chanting slogans against Mubarak and Adly during a match Tuesday. 8:15 am: State TV reports that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and his six aides, along with Mubarak's sons, have arrived at the Police Academy. 7:00 am: The fifth session of the trial of former President Hosni Mubarak convenes Thursday morning. Summary of the fourth session, Wednesday 7 September: The court agreed to summon Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's defense minister for 20 years and now leader of ruling military council, to testify on 11 September. Judge Ahmed Refaat also summoned other top officials including Armed Forces Chief of Staff Samy Anan, former Intelligence Chief and, briefly, Vice President Omar Suleiman and Interior Minister Mansour el-Essawy. Police witnesses called by the prosecution this week have suggested that neither Mubarak nor his former Interior Minister, Habib al-Adly, gave security forces orders to shoot protesters. Two witnesses said they were told to show "self restraint." |
12 | 2011-09-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursday-papers-anxiety-over-mubaraks-trial-farmers-reject-scaf-celebration | News about the ongoing trial of toppled President Hosni Mubarak, his sons, former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly, and six of his aides continues to dominate the front pages of most newspapers, with the top story being Judge Ahmed Refaat's decision to summon Egypt's current leaders to testify. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The court decided Monday to summon Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, head of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), Armed Forces Chief of Staff Samy Anan, former Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman, Interior Minister Mansour al-Essawy and former Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy to testify next week in closed sessions. State-run Al-Akhbar leads with the sensational headline "Field Marshall confronts Mubarak in a secret session on Sunday." News about the fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, being charged with perjury after he changed his testimony in favor of Mubarak is also stirring debate. Even though the court acquitted Mohamed before the end of the session, analysts see this as a warning to other witnesses. In his editorial in private daily Al-Tahrir, Ibrahim Eissa writes about the weak evidence and documents collected against Mubarak, and leads with the headline "Statements that say nothing." Eissa argues that amid the revolutionary fervor, public pressure on the prosecutor's office brought Mubarak to court without solid evidence. The process of investigation and evidence collection was chaotic, argues Eissa, citing the refusal of police forces to cooperate with the prosecutor, the destruction of documents on State Security premises, and former Presidential Chief of Staff Zakariya Azmy's alleged destruction of documents at the presidential palace for weeks after Mubarak stepped. The leftist party paper Al-Wafd runs the headline "The end of the January revolution: Mubarak's acquittal ... Al-Adly rules the Interior Ministry ... And preparations for rigging the election" on its front page, citing the increased security around the courtroom outside the Police Academy and the way the defendants are treated. Al-Tahrir also cites statements by some officers responsible for securing the courtroom praising Mubarak and Adly. Some reportedly told martyrs' families outside the academy that the defendants would be acquitted for lack of evidence. In response to the planned Friday protests to get the revolution back on track, the state-run Al-Ahram runs a short piece about the SCAF's statement on Wednesday warning protesters against damaging public or military property and assigning the protest's organizers the responsibility for securing the demonstration. Most privately owned newspapers comment on the SCAF's decision to celebrate Farmers Day on Friday at the Cairo Stadium to coincide with the Tahrir protests. The Ministry of Agriculture is planning to host at least 50,000 farmers from various Egyptian governorates at the stadium, writes privately owned Al-Shorouk. The general farmers union established after the January protests with about half a million members has, however, refused to take part in the celebrations. Syndicate head Mohamed Abdel Kader announced that farmers would instead march from the Ministry of Agriculture in Dokki to Tahrir Square where they would plant a tree in tribute to the martyrs of the revolution, writes Al-Shorouk. Al-Shorouk also runs a special report on the conditions of Egyptian peasants and the main expectations farmers have for their new union, which include providing a social security system and health care, reforming the fertilizers market, providing access to local markets without intermediaries, and establishing complementary industries. Regarding the government's recent interest in celebrating farmers, Wael Kandil writes in his column that the timing is ironic and it is surprising how "love can happen suddenly just like death." Regarding the punishment of Ahlawy Ultras following unrest at Tuesday's match, Ahmed al-Sawy writes in his Al-Shorouk column that it remains unclear why security forces show such courage and competency in dealing with political protests and violence, yet crime prevails on the street and police officers do not even dare to file a ticket against drivers that double park. Minister of Interior Mansour al-Essawy, however, speaks of the competency of police forces in an exclusive interview with Al-Wafd. And asked about the preparations for the upcoming parliamentary elections, Essawy describes them as the easiest in Egypt's history, assuring the public that there will be no problems in the voting process. As the debate over the supra-constitutional principles continues, the Muslim Brotherhood issued a statement titled "The Critical Stage the Revolution is Going Through" on Wednesday demanding that SCAF to "respect" the results of the March referendum, writes the privately owned Youm7. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Arab Nasserist party |
13 | 2011-09-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/anti-military-rally-tahrir-swells-tens-thousands-more-march-around-cairo | Around 30,000 protesters gathered in Tahrir Square Friday to protest the ruling military council's performance and their numbers continued to rise into the late afternoon for the demonstration dubbed "Correcting the Path of the Revolution." googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Some of those present since midday prayers were discouraged that turnout was lower than organizers had hoped for, however the crowd was steadily swelling and was expected to reach 50,000 before the demonstration's scheduled 6 pm end time. "It is the first Friday after Ramadan, and summertime. I believe that the number will increase in the coming demonstrations," said political activist and blogger Ahmed Gharbeia. Several marches feeding into Tahrir from around Cairo have been adding a steady stream of protesters. One group came from the Israeli Embassy in Dokki, while the April 6 Youth Movement also came from Mohandiseen with at least 500 supporters. Islamist groups were, as expected, not present in the square. April 6, secular revolutionary groups, as well as the football fans known as Ahly and Zamalek "Ultras" led most of the chants. The Ultras, who have been active in many demonstrations throughout the revolution, came in the wake of clashes at an Ahly soccer game, where 90 fans were arrested. Around 200 Ultras marched to the Ministry of Interior to protest the arrests, demand police reform and chant against former Minister Habib al-Adly. Adly is facing trial, along with former President Hosni Mubarak, on charges of killing protesters during the revolution. "The Interior Ministry before the revolution is the same as after the revolution in how it treats us soccer supporters," said Qadry Adel, 21. Members of the Independent Farmers' Union also participated in the protest, despite a government-planned celebration of Farmers' Day occurring at the Cairo Stadium and attended by the heads of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. "We are protesting corruption in the Ministry of Agriculture and calling for regulations to make Egypt agriculturally independent," said the secretary general of the union's Giza branch, Misbah Asaker. Around 100 members of the Farmers Union assembled in Tahrir after protesting at the Agriculture Ministry. Asaker claims that farmers who went to the SCAF celebration were paid LE50 and provided with food and transportation. In the square, protesters loudly voiced anger over the continued practice of trying civilians in military courts. "We are here today to raise awareness as to the sheer breadth of military trials around the country and to pressure the SCAF to stop the military trials," said Director of the No to Military Trials group Mona Seif. The group claims that more than 12,000 civilians have been tried in military courts since March. "Military trials are an infringement on the right of Egyptians, and must end immediately," said legal activist and former MP Gamal Zahran, speaking from Tahrir's main stage. Many of the demonstrators focused their anger on the continued state of lawlessness in the country that many of them see as a deliberate attempt by counter-revolutionary forces to promote instability. "The Egyptian Army is great and, along with the Ministry of Interior, could put an end to any gang of thugs if they want to. They are letting them be to keep us living in a state of fear," said director Khaled Yousef. Many in the square also called on the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to revisit the newly devised laws regarding parliamentary elections. "The new laws open the doors for material politics to dominate, just as it did before the revolution," said political analyst Ammar Ali Hassan while in the square Friday. Demonstrators are gearing up for a march to the Judges' Club at 5 pm to call for fair elections, fair trials for former regime officials, the abolition of military trials and repatriating funds allegedly stolen by corrupt public officials. Around 100 people were also headed to the Israeli Embassy to resume protests that began there last month following an Israeli border raid that killed five Egyptian security and police officers. |
14 | 2011-09-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-football-fans-gather-interior-ministry-chant-against-adly | Hundreds of Ahly and Zamalek football fans marched from Tahrir Square to the Interior Minsitry headquarters during a larger protest Friday to call for police reforms and an end to human rights violations. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police officers closed the ministry's gates as the Ahlawy Ultras and White Knights chanted against former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly, who is currently standing trial for killing protesters during the revolution. When one of the protesters hurled an empty bottle at the building, other protesters interfered to stop him, chanting, "Our revolution is peaceful, our revolution is peaceful." Translated from the Arabic Edition |
15 | 2011-09-10 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-referred-trial-following-riots | Egypt's Public Prosecutor decided on Saturday to refer nine Ahly Football Club fans for speedy trials on 14 September, and to refer seven others to the Specialized Child Prosecution due to their youth. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Judicial sources told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the defendants were charged with assaulting police officers, destroying public and private property, terrorizing people and disturbing public security. They were arrested during riots that followed a football match between the Ahly and Aswan Clubs at Cairo Stadium on Tuesday night. News reports said the clashes began after some diehard Ahly fans, known as the Ultras, attacked central security forces and chanted slogans against former President Hosni Mubarak and the Ministry of Interior. According to the prosecution, the clashes left 10 police cars, three trucks and two motorcycles belonging to the Traffic Department destroyed by fire. It also resulted in the injury of 88 people, including five police officers and several central security conscripts. Dozens of Ahly fans demonstrated Friday outside the headquarters of the Interior Ministry downtown demanding the release of the detained Ultras. Translated from the Arabic Edition |
16 | 2011-09-11 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/rights-council-accuses-police-collective-punishment-against-ahly-football-fans | The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) is to issue a report by its fact-finding committee tasked with investigating the clashes that took place between the police and Ahly Club football fans, who call themselves "the ultras", at a match played last week. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Sources claim the report may conclude that the police to have applied "collective punishment" against the ultras, and should have shown more retraint. Victims of the clashes told committee representatives, who visited them in the hospital, that the police had no justification for assaulting them. The sources also said the council has tasked the committee with investigating the incidents that took place outside the Israeli Embassy on Friday, in which three people were killed and more than 1000 others were injured. Translated from the Arabic Edition |
17 | 2011-09-13 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/riots-and-politics-mutual-salvation | The scenes of violence and street fighting between the police and the Ahli Football Club fan group Ultras Ahlawy outside Cairo Stadium undoubtedly brings into focus the power of riots as a vital tool to continue the revolution and maintain the absence of stability, which is a key inspiration of the revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Despite the panic it has caused, this state of instability that Egypt has been experiencing over the past few months, including riots, banditry, attacks on facilities and the general lawlessness, is the only way to establish political emancipation from the oppressive state of emergency, which was desperately maintained by the autocratic regimes of the past decades. At its onset, the revolution challenged the police force in a decisive manner and successfully amputated its arms, paralyzing its ability to pursue its main job of managing the relationship between different social classes and religious communities, in other words, between everyone and everyone else. Yet, the prevailing security mentality stands in the way of any political or social negotiations between various sectors of society and prevents the growth of political movements and corresponding debates with the social forces they represent. This security apparatus also aborts any organizational attempts and deprives everyone of all chances of representation by keeping the vast majority of Egyptians out of any reasonable civil negotiation process, in other words, maintaining a stable state of emergency. The revolution started with the aim of defeating the security apparatus' ability to maintain this stable state of emergency. In spite of the peacefulness of the revolution when compared to the magnitude of social contradictions, and in spite of successive setbacks to the revolutionary forces, the lack of security and riots of every type have continued uninterrupted. The rioters are reclaiming politics from the tyrants and won't compromise themselves. Since it took office, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) attempted to bring an end to the continuous rioting, beginning with a law that criminalizes strikes and sit-ins and ending with the cabinet's statement on 7 September, in which it announced the amendment of the Emergency Law, expanding the powers by which the authorities might face the revolutionary chaos, incitement and rioting. There is no doubt that there have been repeated attempts to form a possible alliance between the SCAF and the Islamist movements, headed by the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), in the face of these continuous riots. However, this supposed alliance has failed to control an uncontrollable situation. Moreover, there is serious doubt regarding the power of Islamist movements, in terms of rallying crowds, organized action and political decisiveness, to control a society full of contradictions; a society which has become almost impossible to control by oppression. By this, I am not talking about the events in Tahrir Square, but rather about the state of instability and continuous rioting in every institution and neighborhood, as well as the continuous friction between police and angry rallies, including the Ultras and thugs. I am also talking about the strikes that have not stopped, despite numerous threats. Hence, there is a dire need to create a political atmosphere capable of dealing more flexibly with the chaotic situation, as well as creating negotiation channels and political possibilities to deal with the contradictions and the impasse. The ruling authorities, as well as some tyrannical powers, such as the remnants of the former regime, are undoubtedly attempting to counteract the development of such a political atmosphere or its recognition as a legitimate atmosphere for action and negotiation. The upcoming elections may very well be an attempt to kill and bury the revolution. The question now is whether the next parliament will produce a legitimate government capable of controlling the situation? Have the armed forces, which enjoy a quasi-revolutionary legitimacy and the legitimacy to rule the country following the March referendum, succeeded in controlling the situation? The current situation is undoubtedly the result of the inherited tyranny and state of emergency, as well as the magnitude of social contradictions, together with the collapse of the police force's power and legitimacy. Creating a political atmosphere in which negotiation can thrive is the only reasonable choice, despite the resistance from the SCAF and other tyrannical forces and the continued insistence on disciplinary action. Creating a political atmosphere should be the number one priority on the agendas of democratic movements, because it's the only plausible revolutionary path to walk along. These movements must utilize all of their political abilities to prepare for the upcoming elections in order to win the long and continuous political battle ahead. They must also move to counteract the security authority's disciplinary actions, legitimize politics, act against the logic of emergency laws and lead the way to a democratic transition. |
18 | 2011-09-15 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursdays-papers-state-paper-runs-special-report-central-security | Details of the trial of former President Hosni Mubarak, former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and others on charges related to killing revolution protesters fill some of today's papers, despite the military council-imposed publishing ban. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); During Wednesday's court session, current Interior Minister Mansour al-Essawy gave evidence in his capacity as a security expert. Leftist party paper Al-Wafd says that Essawy answered more than 70 questions from defense and victims' lawyers, responding to half of them by saying, "I don't know." For the first time since the start of the trial, Mubarak commented on witness testimony, according to Al-Wafd, defending himself for two minutes "in a clear and audible voice that bore no trace of his illness." The paper also reports that Adly commented for 15 minutes on his successor's testimony. The closure of Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr's Cairo office last week is revived by Information Minister Osama Heikal's claim that the issue "has been blown out of proportion" and that the raid "has nothing to do with the station's content." State-run daily Al-Ahram quotes Heikal as saying that the recent decision to revive enforcement of the Emergency Law was a response to the breach of the Israeli Embassy in Cairo last Friday. Al-Gomhurriya ruminates on which electoral system Egypt should use for upcoming parliamentary elections, and declares that a mixed system is a "golden opportunity for remnants of the regime and gangs" and that a "list system is dogged by unconstitutionality." The state-run daily also runs a three-page special report on Egypt's Central Security Forces (CSF), or riot police, the body formed in 1969 that Mubarak routinely relied on to quash dissent. Most CSF soldiers come from Egypt's poorest areas and many are illiterate, according to the paper. Former Interior Minister Saad al-Gamal said the CSF "forgot their real role of protecting citizens and stood in the way of demands on behalf of a regime that ran away from a true confrontation of its citizens' problems." In a one-page interview, Assistant Interior Minister for CSF General Salah al-Sherbiny - who was second-in-command during the revolution - maintained that Central Security serves the people despite the interviewer's insistent questioning about protester deaths at the agency's hands. While suggesting that the former regime made "five main mistakes" that led to the revolution, Sherbiny rejected the journalist's description of CSF as "the National Democratic Party's armed militia." "Interior Ministry senior figures have killed CSF soldiers psychologically a thousand times," the special report declares. Ibrahim Eid, a professor of mental health at Ain Shams University, says that training given to CSF troops has damaged them psychologically. This, he says, caused the contradictions inherent in receiving orders to hit, drag and sometimes even kill fellow citizens. Men serving in the CSF provided descriptions of their lives and roles in the force. One soldier was unable to define what an embassy was, other than a place where visas are issued, and which he has to guard. Another soldier says that if ordered by his commander to use live ammunition against protesters, he would, because his commander understands more and is able to gauge the situation better than he is. Seven possible presidential candidates held a "secret" meeting on Wednesday at the invitation of some revolutionary youth. Privately owned Al-Shorouk reports that during the meeting the men discussed a roadmap for the remainder of the coming months, including a demand for a transition of power from the military to civilians before the first anniversary of the revolution. Privately-owned Al-Dostour reports on the National Council for Human Rights' seemingly vague inquiry into the breach of the Israeli Embassy last week. The committee, whose members include politician Amr Hamzawy, concluded that members of the Ultras Ahlawy (hardcore football fans) were involved in an "unjustified attack on the Interior Ministry building" and that "infiltrating elements led by unknown persons are instigating incidents in order to bring down the revolution and the state's authority." Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Arab Nasserist party |
19 | 2011-10-06 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-march-tahrir-square-demand-handover-civilian-rule | Hundreds of protesters, including Ahly Club Ultras, staged a march from Sayyeda Aisha Square to Tahrir Square on Wednesday night, demanding a swift handover to civilian rule, as called for by various political parties and movements. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The "Second Friday of Anger" and "Rise Up Egypt, the Egyptian Is Hungry" fan pages on Facebook called for the march to demand a quick handover of power to an elected civilian government and president. The April 6 Youth Movement and the Democratic Front Party announced they would participate in the protest. After arriving in Tahrir Square, the protesters continued their march downtown, passing by the Central Bank of Egypt and returning to the square again. They chanted "Oh, Minister Essam, we are back to Tahrir," "Tantawi is Mubarak," and "Oh, Tantawi, say the truth. You are a false witness." The Ahly Ultras repeated their songs and slogans. Passersby welcomed protesters with victory signs and applause once they reached Tahrir, while drivers greeted them by honking their horns. Some car drivers stressed they would participate in next Friday's protest in Tahrir Square dubbed "Go Back to Your Barracks." The protests come amidst mounting political unrest in the wake of the ruling military council's renewal and expansion of the Emergency Law, pressure on free media and the trial of civilians in military courts. Translated from the Arabic Edition |
20 | 2011-11-11 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/uncompromising-fate-minas-death | What is so significant about the horrid death of Mina Daniel? What distinguishes him from previous martyrs Khaled Saeed or Sayed Bilal? Shouldn't this strange succession of names reveal something about the recent history of the Egyptian security apparatus and open up the possibility of reforming it to public debate? Despite the short period of time between these successive deaths, each name tells a different story about security's "monstrosity" and "failures." Each name has played a particular role in dismantling the legitimacy of the Egyptian security apparatus and will continue to be important in any discussion concerning its reform or complete restructuring. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); These narratives of martyrdom allow us to glimpse into how the security apparatus had operated over the last thirty years and how it was capable of establishing some form of legitimacy for its actions. Each name has dealt a blow to the legitimacy of the security apparatus in its own right. The figure of Mina Daniel has the potential to accomplish two things. One is to uncompromisingly tie the Egyptian public to the slogan, "Bread, Freedom and Social Justice"- a reversal of all the values, ways of life and grim nostalgias under the Mubarak regime that take us beyond the current discussion of reforming the security forces. The other is to accept the current attempts of resurrecting the Mubarak regime - of which the brutal apparatus is only one part. The angelic image of Khaled Saeed resonated with many young people in the Arab world, especially those of middle class background. Saeed's case proved that torture practices had proliferated to a monstrous degree. They were no longer limited to the margins (squatter areas and popular quarters, that is). Contrary to Saeed's case, the second martyr, Sayed Bilal, pushed the limits of social empathy by shedding light on the silenced history of torture practices in Egypt. Following the bombing of the Church of Two Saints in Alexandria, state security attempted to present a familiar figure, Bilal's suspicious Salafi background, to the national media. In Bilal's case, the security apparatus attempted to re-create the conditions of a sectarian crisis. In the name of such crises, the Mubarak regime knew only solutions based on security measures: mass detentions, confessions elicited under torture, indiscriminate threats of abuse of those closely related to the accused victims. Let us now return to the original question: what distinguishes Mina Daniel from Khaled Saeed and Sayed Bilal? In my view, he pushed the limits of social empathy to the point of tearing. His enigmatic death exposed, all at once, the foundational narratives of the apparatus, all those narratives which formed the base of social legitimacy for the apparatus's practices in the last 30 years. In other words, Daniel's death tested the sensibility of the Egyptian public shedding light on crucial questions such as: how far is it willing to go concerning the apparatus' reform? How can the center of attention in these debates about reform shift from the apparatus itself as a "reformable" entity to the very ambiguous ways the term "thug" is being employed by both the apparatus and the national media? In the eyes of the national media, Mina's body is brimming with contradictions. If we follow the apparatus' logic, everything about him evokes suspicion. He is a Copt yet he constituted a dissident voice inside the church. He inhabited the margins of the capital. In the eyes of the middle classes, he was one of those "uncivil" soccer ultras. In short, all of those "contradictions" summon the margins of his predecessors (Saeed and Bilal among others). How can someone carry all those contradictions and yet still move so lightly? What kind of claims or demands did he make? Can they be fulfilled easily? Mina's death moves us beyond the current debates on the apparatus' reform in two decisive ways. On the one hand, protesters have discovered the limits of the language of reform and its exclusions. On more than one occasion, the ministry of interior and the military police have employed thugs to beat protesters and used the same charge of "thuggery" against them in military trials. Simply put, the apparatus paradoxically feeds on its own victims-transgressors. On the other hand, Mina's case has proved that some form of vendetta is needed at times. In my view, the profundity of vendetta lies in the fact that its animosity cannot be satiated with the destruction of one person or one entity; it is ongoing and filial. In other words, vendetta does not limit us only to the reform or purification of the security apparatus but takes us to a confrontation with the very despicable values and ways of life nurtured by the Mubarak regime (of which the apparatus perhaps is only an off-shoot). The list of those values is long, stretching from indifference and cowardice to self-loathing and indecisiveness. It is in those terms that we can speak about the legacies of Danyal, Saeed or even Bouazizi. |
21 | 2011-12-16 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/live-update-scaf-says-no-attempt-end-sit-forcibly | 00:30 am: googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Assistant Health Minister Adel al-Adawy says death toll has reached three, while there are some 255 wounded. 10:40 pm: In a statement, SCAF said that the violence at the cabinet sit-in was caused when protesters assaulted a traffic policeman while he was doing his job, which motivated the guards of the cabinet and the People Assembly buildings to intervene and disperse the sit-in. The statement added that there was no attempt to forcibly end the sit-in. 10:30 pm: Sounds of gunfire can be heard near the cabinet building. Protesters retreated. Some are falling from rubber bullet injuries. Men on motorcycles are rushing to carry the wounded to field hospitals. 10:00 pm: Some protesters threw molotov cocktails into a government building in Qasr al-Aini Street, setting fire into its different floors. Other protesters rushed toward the building with fire extinguishers. Protesters have disagreed over the act of putting fire into a government building; while some thought it was an irresponsible act, others said it was justifiable. 8:30 pm: Reuters reported medical sources as saying that two people died in the clashes. 7:00 pm: Protesters in Qasr al-Aini Street chant, "kill Khaled and kill Mina, each of your bullets make us stronger." They refer to Khaled Saeed, who was tortured to death by policemen last year, spurring a wave of anti-police protests, and Mina Daniel who was killed when military forces dispersed a march of mostly Copts last October. 6:00 pm: "[The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) advisory council] will try to urge the SCAF to issue a statement to explain the [clashes today]," presidential hopeful Mohamed Selim al-Awa tells Al-Masry Al-Youm. The advisory council will hold a meeting at 7 pm to discuss the crisis, Awa adds. 5:40 pm: MP Amr Hamzawy submitted a complaint at the Qasr al-Nil police station against SCAF, military police and the government. "I thought the government would keep its promise not to use violence against protesters. But as usual, promises are not held. I submitted the complaint as an MP and a citizen." 5:30 pm: Darkness is making it difficult for protesters to spot where rocks being thrown at them are coming from. 5:20 pm: Presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei criticizes the way military police broke up the sit-in outside the cabinet building, describing it as "barbaric," "brutal," and "the greatest violation to all human laws." He also blasts the authorities' handling of the crisis: "This is not the way countries should be managed." ElBaradei wonders why the military police intervened to break up the sit-in, if the prime minister is now supposed to have the executive powers of the president of the republic, according to a recent SCAF decree. "What are the powers of the military police to intervene? Where is credibility and who is in charge?" he asks. ElBaradei also criticizes the advisory council, saying it is "just a front" for the SCAF. "Was the advisory council consulted before [the military] used excessive force to break up the sit-in? And if it was not consulted, does this mean it is just a front?" he concludes. 5:15 pm: People are throwing Molotov cocktails down on protesters from the top of the People's Assembly building. 4:30 pm: "The [ongoing] clashes [around the cabinet building and Qasr al-Aini Street] are meant to create chaos, as each time Egypt is close to achieving stability, a new problem is created," says a military source. An army officer has been injured by a live bullet and transferred to a military hospital as a result of the clashes, the source adds. "There are desperate attempts aiming to undermine Egypt's stability and drag the country into chaos, especially during the [parliamentary] elections," the source continues. "Some forces began to feel that Egypt was moving on the path to stability through elections, meaning they would lose the legitimacy of their presence in [Tahrir] Square. This prompted them to create standoffs with security forces." New Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri has refused to comment on the clashes or further explain the developments around the cabinet building. Ganzouri canceled all his meetings today, including TV interviews, to monitor the situation, holding phone calls with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and Interior Ministry officials. 4:00 pm: At least one person injured in the clashes today may have been hit by live ammunition, says Eva Boutros, director of the field hospital set up near the Protestant church on Qasr al-Dubara Street. Earlier today: Thirty-six people were injured as of 4 pm Friday when military forces and unidentified people attacked a sit-in outside the cabinet building, Assistant Health Minister Adel al-Adawy told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Clashes continued on Qasr al-Aini Street, with protesters reporting hearing gunshots, and protesters and military forces throwing stones at each other. At around 4:30 pm, protesters lit a large fire in the middle of Qasr al-Aini, in an attempt to obscure the visions of those throwing stones at protesters from buildings overhead. Fighting was primarily occuring on three fronts, the upper and lower roofs of a nearby building and at the front of Maglis al-Shaab Street. Protesters were throwing rocks at unkonwn assailants who were throwing rocks, ceramics, and fixtures from nearby buildings, including wall hangings with Quranic verses on them, back at them, according to eyewitnesses. Another eyewitness said that assailants throwing rocks from the tops of nearby buildings were armed had pistols slung around their backs. Essam Kamel, a medic in a field hospital set up in front of the Mugamma administrative building near Tahrir Square, said that his hospital had received about seven people injured with live bullets in the previous two hours, in addition to receiving dozens of protesters at dawn. Two members of the recently formed advisory council to the ruling military council, Moataz Bellah Abdel Fattah and Ahmed Khairy, resigned in protest of the military police's use of violent force. Abdel Fattah said he expects other advisory council members to follow him in resigning, as he is opposed to the "unjustified violence of the miliary police against peaceful protesters." Lawyer Zeyad al-Alaimy, a parliamentary candidate heading the Egyptian Bloc's list in Cairo's fourth constituency, said he was beaten by military police breaking up the cabinet sit-in early Friday morning. "Once I heard protesters were being assaulted I headed to the sit-in, where hundreds of military personnel had attacked protesters just before I arrived," he said. "When I reached the area a group of military soldiers surrounded me and an officer told me: 'Do not think the People's Assembly will protect you,'" Alaimy recalled. Sheikh Mazhar Shaheen, the popular imam of Omar Makram Mosque who frequently preaches at protests in Tahrir, criticized the military for "assaulting peaceful protesters outside the cabinet building" in his Friday morning sermon. "We want to achieve the demands of the revolution," Shaheen went on. "We do not feel that there is any kind of change [in reality]," he said, adding that remnants of the former regime of Hosni Mubarak continue to lead. After Friday prayers, Shaheen and a number of worshipers headed to Qasr al-Aini Street to check on the situation there, and then returned to Tahrir. Early Friday morning, army and Central Security Forces could be seen spread out on both Qasr al-Aini and Maglis al-Shaab streets, which were covered with broken glass and rocks. A 59-year-old woman was seen being beaten by military officers. A group of activists were detained by military and security forces and being held inside the People's Assembly building as of noon Friday, activist Mona Seif told Egypt Independent. While in custody inside the building, Seif reported watching police slap an old woman in the face. She said that police were treating protesters like they had a "personal vendetta" against them. At around 1 pm, protesters began to be released. Most of them were women and looked badly beaten. According to witnesses, military forces threw stones and furniture at them from the cabinet building and nearby parliament building, as well as sprayed water hoses at them from atop the parliament building. Several cars were set on fire in the surrounding streets. Mostafa Bahgat, a cameraman for the OnTV satellite channel, told Egypt Independent that he was assaulted on a side street near the cabinet building by two civilians, who beat one of his legs, stole his camera and ran toward army officers. A protester showed Al-Masry Al-Youm a prison ID card that fell out of the pocket of a man attacking the sit-in along with soldiers. The protester said it was proof that thugs were hired by the military to attack the sit-in. In response to the early morning attack, protesters blocked off Qasr al-Aini Street with steel barricades and symbolic coffins. The sit-in protesters said that the clashes started after one of their fellow protesters, Aboudi Ibrahim, was kidnapped at night. Ibrahim was reportedly arrested by police, beaten and electrocuted, before being released. He was transferred to the nearby Qasr al-Aini Hospital. As the clashes escalated, protesters sang anti-military and anti-police chants, known to be primarily sung by ultras - or hardcore football fans. Some 200 protesters have continued to sleep outside the cabinet building to oppose the appointment of the cabinet of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri. The sit-in began on 24 November, when the military council nominated Ganzouri to be prime minister. Ganzouri had served as prime minister under the toppled regime of Hosni Mubarak. The sit-in followed week-long clashes between security forces and protesters on Mohamed Mahmoud Street, off Tahrir Square, which left at least 45 dead and scores injured. |
22 | 2011-12-24 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/subtext-military-councils-video-evidence | Since October when the army forcibly dispersed a peaceful protest at Maspero, claiming the lives of 27 mostly Coptic protesters, it has become customary for the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to hold a press conference after a bloody attack on protesters with two LCD monitors on each side of the podium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The screens are there to complement the text read by whichever general has been chosen to address the media on behalf of the SCAF and the Egyptian military. This time, following five days of clashes between the army and protesters on Qasr al-Aini Street, it was SCAF member Major General Adel Emara who took the lead in addressing the media in a presser. The violence was preceded by a sit-in lasting around three weeks in front of the cabinet building on Qasr al-Aini, with protesters objecting to military rule and the appointment of Kamal al-Ganzouri as prime minister. Ganzouri also held this post during the 1990s under toppled President Hosni Mubarak and is considered to be a remnant of the former regime. Like at the Maspero presser, held on 12 October, Emara denied that the armed forces used excessive violence against the protesters, saying, "The military is not trained to use such violence." But, Emara explained, any force that was used by the military was in reaction to the protesters' intentional and systematic provocation. "No human can bear what the protesters subject us to," he said. The military thus quelled the destructive drive of the hidden hand plotting to topple the state with the least possible amount of violence. "We are envied for our level of self-restraint," Emara added. In the speech, the protesters were characterized as thugs, infiltrators or agents paid for by a mysterious force that seeks to destroy Egypt. The general's warnings were framed as coming from an ordinary Egyptian citizen who is concerned for Egypt and the "prestigeof the state"rather than a member of the ruling military council. The video shown by Emara was meant to support the SCAF's narrative: to prove that it was the demonstrators who were on the offensive, trying to break into the parliament building and set aflame the Egyptian Scientific Institute, allegedly for no reason other than to wreck havoc and tarnish the image of the army, as dictated by the invisible hand. The video consisted of an incoherent sequences of shots (mixed angles, day and night shots, indoor and outdoor shots), heavily edited and mostly irrelevant. The shots are not meant to be logical or coherent. They are meant to play on irrational fears of chaos, conspiracies, mob behavior and even sexual license and debauchery. The video tries its best to depict those who were beaten and detained by the military as ignorant, unprincipled, gullible and poor. The video featured "confessions" of detained minors who were compelled to name well-known activists as being behind the clashes. Emara introduced the video with the words: "These shots are neither prepared beforehand nor fabricated. They are being circulated in the media. It's about facts; you see what happened with the eye you wish to see it with. These are facts that I am putting in front of you." He paused to ask that the volume be turned up then continued, "Of course the beginning of the event is visible here. Our soldiers are inside the parliament building and the tents are outside. No friction whatsoever between the two groups." The first shot has a title over the moving image that reads, "The infiltrators among the revolutionaries." The video is an excerpt from state television coverage. You see a group of boys and girls sitting on the sidewalk chatting and laughing and the camera moves to focus on a young couple; the man's arm rests on the girl's shoulders. There are no signs of a protest. In fact the sidewalk and street around them are quite clean and you hear no sounds of clashes, only the joyous babble of the youngsters. It is daytime in the shot. Before you realize it, the shot is cut short by footage that was taken from atop a building at night. The shot of the couple could not have had any other function than to provoke disapproval of the mixing of the sexes at the sit-in and the permissive behavior allegedly taking place between male and female protesters. The rest of the video attempts to further stigmatize the "protesters" and to depict them as destructive and immoral. The shots that follow show individuals - mostly young - throwing stones. The camera focuses on the aggressive act of hurling stones and avoids any context. We do not see the sequence of events, what happened before the throwing, who they're throwing at and why. At some point, we see the same shot that was used by the SCAF in their video statement number 90, this time in slow motion: a few people holding broken pieces of furniture, fighting something/someone in the window of a building. Emara had to explain the unclear image as "the protesters entering the parliament building." No mention is made of the existence of aggressors on the roof and inside the building. Our minds only perceive the unexplained urge of the protesters to vandalize the building. Scenes of the burning Egyptian Scientific Institute and the Transportation Ministry building on Qasr al-Aini Street are shown at length. We see the flames coming out of the windows and a seemingly careless amused crowd, many of them young, throwing stones while smiling.Emara commented, "They are saying we will burn we will burn." Emara spoke over scenes of the Egyptian Scientific Institute burning, saying gravely, "This is the catastrophe! The institute burning! The nation's conscience...the nation's conscience is burning! This institute for which they wept, they wept. The world's breath stopped...the world's breath stopped as the history of Egypt was burning, and the youngsters who were burning this institute were taking pride in such acts. The Egyptian Scientific Institute is completely destroyed. It dates back to 1798! It's over... in 2011." The following scene shows firefighters hosing water inside one of the institute's windows although the fire seems to be out by the time this scene was shot. Emara explained: "Of course all the firefighters' attempts, be they civilian or military, to reach the fire earlier were prevented." The next shot was clearly taken earlier, when the firefighters would have been useful. It shows flames pouring out of a window of the institute. According to Emara, this is "a picture that will be registered by the world. A shame for us, that this institute should burn. The secretary general of the institute called me crying. It had some manuscripts and books inside that were the history of Egypt." Afterward, in a night shot, a man talks to the camera; "Nobody here is 'clean', they're all thieves and thugs.'" The camera man asks innocently, "Really? All of them?" The interviewee answers affirmatively. To reinforce hatred for the mad, destructive, irrational protesters, the next shot shows a soldier holding a bandage on his face and bleeding, with two sympathetic soldiers on each side of him, then a soldier lying on a stretcher, visibly in pain. Fellow soldiers and an army officer take him to the ambulance van. In the following scene, he is being treated by doctors. At this point, Emara interjected: "Stop there. Stop, go back (the video is rewound). This is a picture of an injured soldier, because you talk of excessive use of force and such things. This is a soldier whose legs are completely torn from a sharp tool that the protesters, well, one of the protesters had." A cut is visible on the side of the soldier's thigh. "He hit the soldier with it and cut his artery, and he is now in a critical condition." Emara then asked that the screening go on. The next scene depicts peaceful, hardworking soldiers building a barbwire barrier. When this was shown, Emara confirmed that "this is the stage when we started to build barriers." In the following shot, demonstrators at a different time of the day throwing rocks at a metal fence. The camera is filming from inside the fence, which was built on the third day of the clashes on Qasr al-Aini Street. Emara explained: "Again, this is an attempt to thwart our effort to build the insulating wall." The next scene shows a much larger crowd of protesters. This time the camera is filming behind the "insulation" wall, built by the army on the third day of clashes. Some protesters are holding flares that, according to Emara, "are flares that are usually used in football matches. They are using them to hit the soldiers." The next shot shows soldiers looking at a flare in a pond in front of them. The second half of the video is made up of interviews with minors and one adult woman. Most of the minors interviewed are detained in a location that seems to be the parliament building. They look scared, and their testimonies are vague and hesitant. Some of them are injured. One has a stream of blood running from his forehead to his chin. While the woman is being interviewed with two microphones, one of which carries the logo of state TV, screams can be heard in the background, likely coming from someone who is being tortured. Four minors are questioned about the people who supposedly pushed them to participate in the clashes. One of the minors seems less frightened and does not appear to be injured. The interviewer asks him: "Did you see anything strange in the square or in your neighborhood or anywhere?" The child: "Yes, I noticed that in our building there is a publishing house called Dar Merit. During the beating and the "Mohamed Mahmoud" clashes and such things, the publishing house was distributing helmets and tear gas remedies and masks to people." Interviewer: "Where is it?" The child: "In our building on 6 Qasr al-Nil Street." The person conducting the interview asks who the owner of the publishing house is, and the child answers that his name is Mohamed Hashem. The interviewer says, "Mohamed Hashem. Ok. What else did you see?" The child: "I saw that during sit-ins they used to bring food and bread and such things and distribute them to people." The interviewer clarifies that the child saw this in Tahrir Square, and the boy answers in the affirmative, adding, "Whenever anything happened they would gather, divide into groups and enter the square from different points." The interviewer asks the child if he saw what these people were doing in the square, and the child answers: "For instance, if you're not wearing a helmet they give you one and tell you... they incite you... they tell you go in and such things. For instance they say, 'You let your brothers get beaten there?' It happened in front of me." Interviewer: "It happened in front of you? They didn't try to bring people from outside or give them money? You haven't seen any of them giving money to anyone?" The child: "No, no money... but I noticed that all of them let their beard grow from here [he holds his hand to his chin], but not too long. They cut it if it gets too long. And they have braided hair." The interviewer asks the boy if they all look alike and he says yes. When the interviewer asks how many of these people the boy saw in the square, he says, "About 120." The interviewer clarifies the number then asks if there are both men and women and if they work in the publishing house. The child answers both questions affirmatively. "They work in the publishing house, but during the fighting you don't see them in the front lines. They are not the ones who are fighting," the boy says. The boy explains that he observed all of this from his building, which overlooks the square, and the interviewer thanks him for his testimony. The video moves on to show a state TV interview of a tired looking woman wearing a pink scarf. Her answers drift into a personal account of family problems: sexual harassment by her in-laws, her precarious marital arrangement, a drug-trafficking step-father, poverty and domestic violence. At this point Emara shouted: "Fast forward we're running out of time." But several journalists objected, saying "We want to hear." Emara gave in to their demands, allowing the woman's peculiar statement to continue airing. The woman continues to speak in a whisper, saying that she had been detained for throwing stones but maintaining her innocence, then moving on to a long-winded story about her family's legal troubles. Finally the general became impatient with the woman's disjointed testimony, exclaiming: "Let's move to something else. Move to the next!" One of the other minors interviewed has a faint voice and seems to be on the verge of crying. He says: "I don't know who the man was; I've got nothing to do with it. I've got nothing to do with politics... so I made him a Molotov cocktail. I entered the tent of the Ultras, I found flares and molotovs." Interviewer: "But Mostafa you made this Molotov cocktail, where did you get it from?" After some stuttering, Mostafa answers that someone named Mr. Meguid gave him LE50 to purchase benzene to make a Molotov cocktail. The interviewer asks how the child made Molotov cocktails, and Mostafa explains, "I fill the bottle with benzene. I put cloth in it and throw it." The child then clarifies that he does not actually throw the Molotov cocktails, saying he doesn't know how. He is only responsible for making them. The interviewer asks if the child sleeps in the street and who provides for him, and Mostafa answers that Mr. Meguid gives him, and other street children, food and drink. The interviewer asks, "How much did he give you daily? LE100?" Mostafa nods. The film closes with a shot of a calm night street. At this point, Emara closed the conference with the dramatic statement: "Egypt has not and will never fall" For many, the video doesn't clarify what happened at the cabinet sit-in. But it may be successful in provoking hatred against the protesters. As fears of moral decadence, chaos and vicious plots rises, the public may come to believe that an excess of violence and a bit of killing may be necessary to save Egypt from impending danger. |
23 | 2012-01-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypts-forensic-medicine-authority-revolution | Thursday afternoon is typically a slow time in most government offices. But these days, there aren't any slow times for Ihsan Kamil Gorgy, Egypt's chief forensic doctor. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); On a recent Thursday, both Gorgy's landline and mobile phone rung ceaselessly. Reporters flocked to his waiting room to ask about the latest death toll or the autopsy reports of victims of the most recent bloody clashes between protesters and the armed forces. The scene isn't much calmer outside the building. A group of Ultras (football fanatics) have just walked away. Earlier they had protested angrily while waiting for the body of one of their comrades to be released from the morgue. Mohamed Mostafa was killed in the last round of violence with military personnel near Tahrir Square in December. From his window on the second floor, Gorgy could hear the crowd shouting in reference to the killing: "This is disgraceful, you infidels!" "If I were in their position, I would do the same thing," says the 58-year-old Gorgy. "Families come here in anger and assume that I am part of the regime and that my job is to protect that regime. But I consider myself only a forensic doctor." In early May, Gorgy was appointed as chief forensic doctor, succeeding Ahmed al-Sebai in a step widely seen an attempt to purge the Forensic Medicine Authority (FMA) of remnants of the old regime. With his Upper Egyptian accent, the Assiout-raised Gorgy says he takes it upon himself to reverse the FMA's "bad reputation." In recent months, Gorgy and his team have been swamped by the growing death toll from the ongoing political upheaval. They had to release death investigation reports on dozens of victims who lost their lives in clashes either with the armed forces or the police. These reports did not always support the accounts given by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). While the generals insisted continually that neither police nor military personnel used live ammunition during attacks on protesters at Maspero, or on Mohamed Mahmoud and Qasr al-Aini streets, the FMA reports revealed numerous cases of protesters killed by bullets. Recently, Gorgy has made headlines after affirming that Al-Azhar Sheikh Emad Effat and medical student Alaa Abdel Hady were killed by bullets shot from a long distance during December clashes with military personnel. With this statement, Gorgy dismissed earlier media reports that he was shot by unknown infiltrators who were standing among protesters. His statement also supported claims that military personnel were shooting at protesters from the rooftops of surrounding buildings. Earlier, Gorgy had said that deposed President Hosni Mubarak was in good shape. His opinion meant that Mubarak could be transferred from the International Medical Center, where he has been held for trial since August, to Tora prison, a move that Egypt's generals seem reluctant to make, possibly for fear of humiliating the former supreme commander of the armed forces. "The FMA performance has improved," says Magdy Adly, a doctor with the Nadeem Center for Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence. She praises the FMA's recent decision to, for the first time, accept human rights representatives as observers during autopsies. In October, Adly walked into the morgue, as a human rights activist, while doctors examined the bodies of protesters killed by the military in front of Maspero. A month later, she was allowed to check the corpses of those killed in Mohamed Mahmoud clashes. "Later on, I saw the autopsy reports and they were compatible with the initial examination, which proves that the autopsy was conducted in a transparent way," she says. For Adel Ramadan, a lawyer with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, the impartiality of recent FMA reports was inevitable. "Now, victims' families and the media are watching [forensic doctors]. This is why they cannot falsify reports," says Ramadan, pointing out the FMA's job in the past was to cover up human rights violations. "[Gorgy] is trying to show that he is better than his predecessor," says Ramadan. However, he still has reservations about the FMA. "Even if you take him in good faith, he still does not have the resources and the independence needed to act fairly," he says. Challenges ahead While the number of forensic cases has risen sharply in the midst of political turmoil, the size of the medical staff remains the same. With only 102 field forensic doctors, the FMA had to handle more than 29,000 cases from 1 January to the end of November 2011. "Our work had doubled, while the number of doctors has decreased because many of them are away," says Ahmed Said, a 37-year-old forensic doctor. He recounts that the day following the clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud Street in downtown Cairo, in which more than 40 people were killed, he and three colleagues had to perform autopsies on 20 bodies. Like most state-employed professionals, forensic doctors complain that their salaries are too low to provide a decent living. According to Gorgy, the monthly salary ranges between LE1,000 for a beginner and LE6000 for the chief doctor. Unlike other medical specialists, forensic doctors cannot increase their income by working for private medical entities, since the law stipulates they should only be working for the government, complains Gorgy. To make ends meet, many doctors go on unpaid leave to work in the Gulf. According to Ashraf al-Refai, the assistant chief senior forensic doctor, more than 70 of the FMA's doctors are currently working in Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Oman. "In Kuwait, he [a doctor] would get LE32,000 a month while, here he gets LE1,500," says al-Refai, who previously worked in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Besides low wages, the budget allocated to the FMA does not allow doctors to keep up with new technologies. Gorgy complains that he is only left with LE334,000 this year to upgrade his equipment. This amount falls short of the minimum of LE750,000 he says he needs to buy new equipment at market prices. The scarcity of sophisticated forensic technologies is not the only problem for younger doctors. "There are almost no resources," says Saeed, who complains that the FMA does not even provide doctors with computers, cameras to photograph bodies, printers or even suitable offices. The situation outside of Cairo is "inhumane", he says. Doctors may have work in dark morgues and may find no appropriate medical jars in which to carry samples to laboratories. In pursuit of independence The FMA consists of four departments: forensic medical examiners, medical laboratories, chemistry units and counterfeiting and forgery units. These departments are run by "forensic experts" - doctors, pharmacists, chemists, technicians and photographers. The FMA reports directly to the Justice Ministry and it is the minister who appoints the FMA head and decides on the budget. This affiliation of the FMA to the executive of the government has been one of the reasons for doubts about its impartiality. After Mubarak's ouster, the rising prospects for democratization encouraged hundreds of the FMA's nearly 650 forensic experts to convene in April and discuss ways to improve their jobs and safeguard their professional integrity. They selected 20 people from among themselves to draft a new regulatory code for the FMA that would liberate it from any ties to the government. "We are about to finish the final draft of the bill," says Walid Abel Hamid, a 38-year-old forensic chemist and one of the architects of the draft bill. Forensic experts will present this bill to the new People's Assembly after it convenes on 23 January, hoping their proposal will be transformed into legislation. The draft bill stipulates that the FMA should be granted full administrative and financial independence from the executive. By letting forensic examiners, rather than judges, administer the FMA, decide on the budget and lay out priorities, the body's technical performance will improve, argues Abdel Hamid. "[Judges] do not understand the nature of our technical work or our needs." Under the same draft bill, the FMA head would not be appointed by the government. Instead, the post would go automatically to the most senior forensic examiner, Abdel Hamid tells Egypt Independent. "The way the head is appointed undermines the FMA's prestige and independence," says Abdel Hamid. In January 2008, the justice minister ignored a long-standing bureaucratic tradition of entrusting the most senior forensic doctor with presiding over the FMA by selecting Sebai, who was the seventh name on the seniority list. His unexpected ascent to the post raised questions about his potential ties with the regime. Abdel Hamid believes the appointment method suggested in the draft bill would diffuse any skepticism that the FMA head is run by a government loyalist. "That will increase the society's faith in the [FMA]," he says. In the meantime, the four forensic examiners interviewed for this article denied that they were ever openly pressured to release false reports in favor of the regime. According to Refai, the worst that could happen under Mubarak was to have a police officer call the forensic examiner to convince him that he did not really torture the person that the doctor is examining. "I would listen to him, but the report would come out as it should be," he says. "I did not owe this officer anything." For his part, Said blames flawed reports on poor resources rather than government pressures. "When you have weak resources and receive no training, you will make mistakes," says Saeed. "Perhaps, the [old] regime was deliberately depriving sensitive authorities like ours of resources to disable them from making [legal] cases." The integrity of the forensic body came into question after forensic doctors released the infamous report on Khaled Saeed, the young man from Alexandria who was tortured to death by two policemen in June 2010. While the photograhs of his deformed face and broken jaw went viral in the media, the FMA said that he had died of asphyxia after swallowing a bag of narcotics. The FMA was accused of twisting realities to acquit Mubarak's police. Both Refai and Gorgy hold that this report manifested several technical flaws. First, examiners violated international protocols by not taking pictures showing the wounds. Second, they did not make all the necessary medical tests. The public outrage that Khaled Saeed's death elicited is now considered a prelude to the 25 January revolution. "The society and the state should realize the [FMA] influenced all court rulings, and hence should look into what is needed to improve its performance and credibility," says Abdel Hamid. |
24 | 2012-01-24 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/was-egyptian-revolution-really-non-violent | As attention turns to the anniversary of the 25 January revolution, questions arise about the nature of the Egyptian revolution and what is required for its success. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The questions are: for a revolution to succeed, can it be completely peaceful and nonviolent? When you are trying to overthrow a heavy-handed security-based regime that cracks down on dissent in a violent manner, can you succeed using only nonviolent means? The Egyptian revolution of 2011 was universally celebrated as peaceful in nature, especially with the media spotlight on Tahrir Square and the consistent and strategic chanting of "selmeya" (peaceful) that rang out from the crowd. Yet numerous police stations and buildings associated with the ruling National Democratic Party were burned on 28 January and fierce battles occurred in Sinai and Suez. Flames looming in the skies of different Egyptian cities could be seen as a symbol of the regime's fall. The fighting continued past 28 January. Many ask if this revolution would have succeeded had Tahrir Square fallen to pro-regime thugs during the Battle of the Camel on 2 February. Protesters valiantly fought back throughout the night to keep the square. The uprising of 2011 is often idealized as nonviolent, and to a great extent that is true, but since then and as violence toward protesters increases, there is a popular perception that the revolutionary on the street has changed: that there is a more violent atmosphere during recent events and that the revolutionaries of post-25 January are no longer the clean, middle-class faces associated with the 18-day uprising. This perception overlooks the fact that violence broke out on 25 January in different places throughout the country. Shehab Bassam was one of the earliest protesters to make it to Tahrir Square. "They started tear gassing us right away so we threw stones at them, which they threw back," he says. Bassam was hit in the head with a rock that day and had to get four stitches. He was detained on 28 January. "28 January was an extremely violent day," says Hosni Nabil, whose brother, Ali, was killed that day in downtown Cairo. "We paid a dear price for this revolution, and it wouldn't have succeeded otherwise." Ali lived downtown and initially went to find his other brother Mostafa, who was participating in the protests. He was shot as he carried injured protesters to a field hospital. The deaths that involved a measure of violence reinvigorated revolutionary fervor during the 18 critical days that led to the toppling of Hosni Mubarak. Many revolutionaries today credit the sacrifice of these martyrs for the fact that the revolution continues. Ali was a house painter who supplemented his meager income by doing random jobs in his neighborhood. He is an example how popular perceptions of the revolutionaries have been skewed, so that the martyrs are idealized as educated, internet-savvy, white-collar types. This perception is encouraged and utilized by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to discredit protesters, such as during the November battles on Mohamed Mahmoud Street and the December clashes in front of the cabinet building. In their press briefings after these violent events, the SCAF claimed that the protesters were actually thugs. The insinuation is that these protesters aren't the original type of protesters, the true revolutionaries who were in the square last January. The discourse of thug versus revolutionary is also brought up during the trials of policemen accused of killing protesters. A certain media discourse, aided by the defense of these policemen, has purported that those who have been killed near police stations were thugs who were shot in self-defense. Mohamed Gamal Bashir, a former member of the football group Ultras White Knights and known in online social networks as "Gemyhood," unpacks this image. "Let's not forget what happened in the days between 25 January and 28 January, this glossed over part of history," he says. "There were constant clashes in Omraneya for example, and there were people in Talbiya trying to get to the Foreign Ministry. The fighting continued long after the political elite were tear-gassed out of the square on 25 January." Bashir speaks of the "harafish," whom he defines as youth with no prospects who often skirt the edge of the law. He claims that their actions led to the revolution's success. He says that they burnt police stations in their neighborhoods in response to decades of oppression by police against the poor. "The power of this revolution came from these harafish burning police stations and from the collapse of the Interior Ministry. That was utilized by the political elites who centralized the struggle in Tahrir Square. Without this confrontation, the revolution wouldn't have been possible, and every police station was burnt to the ground because people have been dying inside them for years. There is a veneer of nonviolence but no one saw the battles in Suez and elsewhere - How is it peaceful when people are dying in the streets?" Bashir says. "People don't understand what nonviolent resistance means," Bashir continues. "It means not taking up arms and revolting, like what happened in Libya and Yemen, where uprisings began like the one in Egypt but people eventually took up arms. It doesn't mean not responding to violence." But some say that nonviolent resistance means not responding to attacks by security forces. Protesters faced criticism during the clashes at Mohamed Mahmoud for continuing to fight with police forces after the latter attempted to forcibly evict a sit-in. Essam Saber died on Mohamed Mahmoud, shot in the head as he was pulling injured protesters out of the fray. Saber hailed from Imbaba and worked in advertising. "Essam was a fighter who didn't accept injustice, a young man who cared about his country and defended it. He is a huge loss for us, and we want justice from those who killed him," his uncle says. Again, this shows that those who were involved in the clashes are not necessarily politicized and do not fit the archetype portrayed in the media. Bassam recalls that at the beginning of 25 January, "there were all kinds of people there, even people I knew who I hadn't seen in years. None of them were into politics. No one expected this to happen. It wasn't arranged, people just headed down [to Tahrir] because they had nothing to lose." Yet Abdel-Rahman Samir from the Revolutionary Youth Coalition feels that the protesters lost some public sympathy during the clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud because some were responding in kind to violence. "We won some media solidarity but we lost sympathy from citizens. Last January we lost a lot of lives, but we didn't win by attacking the Interior Ministry - we won by staying in the square. When you are attacked but remain peaceful you manage to get more support on the streets, and this creates greater pressure." Samir says that nonviolent resistance is the most successful revolutionary method, and prior to January 2011 some young revolutionaries studied the examples of countries such as Chile where nonviolent resistance was successful. Members of the April 6 Youth Movement faced heavy criticism for attending a workshop in Serbia about how to peacefully overthrow dictatorial regimes. Similarly, Sherif Younes, history lecturer at Helwan University sees that nonviolent resistance is the best approach in a place like Egypt. He points out that there is a difference between the intensity of politically-related violence in Egypt and other countries in the region, such as Iraq, where violence is more intense. "In Egypt, the murders of Khaled Saeed and Sayed Bilal or the Two Saints Church bombing were huge events, but in Iraq, for example, they might not resonate as much," he says. "So there is a difference in the extent of violence." Younes also contends that the Egyptian revolution was not an organized one and was carried out by regular citizens who were less likely to be carrying arms. Weapons are generally uncommon in Egypt except in the south. However, violence against protesters has increased since the first 18 days. Younes believes that this trend has adversely affected the military's standing. "A confrontation such as that in Libya or Syria usually stems from a schism within the military ranks, because it is the military that has the firepower. The military did not attack protesters in January for fear of schisms emerging within the ranks," he says. "So it couldn't have happened any other way. The military has increased violence recently but has lost politically as a result. That is why it is now in its interests to hand over power as soon as possible." |
25 | 2012-01-27 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-military-sympathizer-throws-sound-bombs-demonstrators | A pro-military demonstrator targeted protesters outside of the Defense Ministry in the Abbasseya neighborhood with sound bombs while they were heading back to Tahrir Square. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Tahrir protesters failed to catch him after he ran away once he threw the bombs. Demonstrators outside the ministry decided to end their protest there and march to Tahrir Square after activists convinced them that it is useless to stay in the area. On their way to the square, clashes erupted between them and residents who went down to the street in support of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The residents raised their shoes in the faces of the demonstrators who in turn chanted, calling them crazy. Political activists have decided to hold a peaceful march from Tahrir to the Defense Ministry. Ultras - hardcore football fans who often join political protests - have said they will participate in the march and wear black to pay homage to the martyrs of the 25 January revolution. Earlier in the day, military and police forces have been deployed outside the Defense Ministry, as a reaction to reports that activists in Tahrir Square are planning to march on the ministry to express their opposition to the council's continuing rule. Large numbers of army and police forces have spread throughout the streets around the ministry, while dozens of armed vehicles and army personnel have surrounded the building. One activist organizing the march, who preferred to remain anonymous for safety reasons, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the decision to hold the march came after activists held deliberations in the square. A number of the protesters decided in advance to secure a protest area near Kobba Bridge nearby the ministry. An activist group in Abbasseya has also organized a thousands-strong march to Tahrir before afternoon prayers, to join other demonstrators who are seeking to end military rule. |
26 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/activists-call-escalating-civil-disobedience-force-scaf-exit | As public outrage mounts over violence at a football match Wednesday, two prominent Egyptian activist groups are calling on citizens to engage in acts of civil disobedience to impel the ruling military council to step down. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Both the April 6 Youth Movement's Mansoura branch and the Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei called for a general partial strike to begin Thursday and escalate with unspecified acts of civil disobedience until 11 February, which marks the one-year anniversary of former President Hosni Mubarak's resignation. In a statement, the Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei described the Port Said violence as "a conspiracy to get revenge on the ultras." The campaign described the ultras, as hardcore football fans are known in Egypt, as "heroes of the Battle of the Camel and Mohamed Mahmoud [Street clashes]" and said that national security threats will increase every day that the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces remains in power. ElBaradei announced he would not run for president in January, but his campaign has vowed to continue his reform efforts in Egypt. The campaign held the SCAF responsible for the Port Said riots, which it mentioned coincided with the first anniversary of the infamous Battle of the Camel - when thugs riding horses and camels attacked peaceful protesters in the square - and came amid a string of bank robberies and other security failures across the country. At least 71 people died and hundeds were injured Wednesday night at the Port Said football stadium when fans rushed the field and clashes broke out. The April 6 Youth Movement's Mansoura branch also called for civil disobedience Thursday, urging that it continue until power is handed over to a civilian government. The SCAF is still defending remnants of the former Mubarak regime, said the April 6 statement, calling on the People's Assembly to hold those involved in the Port Said riots - including the SCAF - accountable. The statement also demanded the formation of a national salvation government and retribution for the victims of the Port Said violence. |
27 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/activists-politicians-see-more-hooliganism-football-violence | At least 71 are confirmed dead in the worst-ever fan violence following a sporting event in Egypt, after a fight apparently broke out between fans of the home football team Masry and visiting team Ahly in the coastal city of Port Said. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); People moving from the Masry stands swarmed the field after a 3-1 victory over Ahly, in a riot that also left at least 313 injured and seems certain to shake Egyptian society to its core. The violence has already raised calls to assign blame, with many accusing security forces and their bosses in Egypt's transition, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Others are opting to situate the event in expected football hooliganism, common in Egypt. Eyewitnesses described security forces as doing very little to prevent the violence, while more than just Masry fans attacked the Ahly Ultras. "All of my friends returning from the match assured us that they were not attacked by soccer fans only, but by another infiltrating crowd," said journalist Mohamed Beshir on his Twitter account. Eyewitnesses also confirmed that security was entirely absent when the Masry fans stormed the field. They claimed that security forces allowed Masry fans to enter the visiting team's stands. Masry fans were allowed to celebrate their third goal in the field without being confronted by police. They did the same after they won the match and instead of celebrating their extremely rare win, began attacking Ahly players and fans. "We were worried and pleaded with Central Security Forces to allow us to wait behind closed doors until things died down, while they kept telling us to leave," said Ahmed, an Ahly Ultras member who refused to give his full name due to the group's no-media policy. When they refused to leave the stands, Central Security Forces opened the door to angry Masry fans, and that's when the situation worsened, Ahmed added. "Security forces are supposed to secure the exit of fans with an iron fist. Protocol calls for them to close all gates leading to the visiting team's fans until they are sure of their security," said Adel Aql, a veteran football match observer. Reports suggest that the security ignored warning signs of potential clashes. In the pre-match warm up, fans fired flare guns and fireworks at the Ahly players and, "police received a tip that known ex-cons were making their way to the Masry stadium armed with melee weapons," said Wael Qandeel, managing editor of the daily Al-Shorouk, citing personal sources. In a statement posted by the Masry Ultras Green Eagles on their Facebook page, the group assured that they were committed to peacefully supporting their team and preventing any infiltrators from reaching their ranks. The group noted that it was approached by "some thugs" before the match as they wanted to pressure the government to give them apartments by attempting to kidnap the Ahly players from their hotel. The Masry Ultras also said that earlier in the morning, some people fought to get tickets to the game threatening vendors with arms. "Our group has nothing to do with what happened. We shall stop our activities as the Masry Ultras Green Eagles in respect to those who were killed for Egypt," read the statement, which also called for a march to protest the violence and demand an end to military rule. Many of the victims died from direct blows to the head with weapons, and others from asphyxiation from being trampled under the 17,000-strong crowd, according to Health Ministry reports. "This is a massacre. I've never seen as many dead bodies in one place at one time out of all the wars I've witnessed," said Port Said MP Al-Badry Farghaly in a television interview. Farghaly confirmed reports that the Port Said governor and the city's head of security did not attend the match, which is uncommon for games between the two teams. "For the first time in the recent history of matches between the two teams, the governor and head of security from the city are absent," said Khaled Mamdouh, a veteran sports journalist in a television interview. "I am not a proponent of conspiracy theories. But today a massacre happened, and someone has to be responsible. There is only the SCAF right now who seems responsible. This is an indication that we all need to stand together to end military rule as soon as possible," said activist Wael Khalil. Wednesday's violence came right after SCAF head Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi gave a speech saying he would limit the use of the Emergency Law to acts of thuggery. It also comes one day after Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim spoke at Parliament proselytizing on the merit of emergency laws. Many linked the match violence to these statements in a regime quest to showcase the relevance of the Emergency Law, abolishment of which has been one of the main demands of the revolutionaries since January 2011. "What happened cannot be a coincidence. This massacre and three armed robberies happened only one day after Ibrahim tried to talk to us about the need for a state of emergency," Ziad al-Elaimy, an MP with the Social Democratic Party said in a television interview. "There is no such thing as 73 killed [the official number when Younis spoke] because of a soccer game. This is a planned massacre, just like the Mohamed Mahmoud massacre in November," said Sherif Younis, a history professor at Helwan University, in reference to the November 2011 clashes that left more than 40 dead after security forces and military police attacked a small group of peaceful protesters in Tahrir Square. Presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi echoed Younis' sentiments in a television interview when he said, "This is a planned ambush on the Ahly Ultras group for their prominent role in the 25 January Revolution." The fans of the popular club were at the forefront of the protests that led to the toppling of Hosni Mubarak last year as well as ongoing protests demanding the end of the SCAF's rule. In its statement, the Muslim Brotherhood opted to blame security forces for "punishing the Egyptian people for their revolution," while denouncing all acts of violence throughout the country, including, "the threat to attack Parliament and the youth of the Brothers who stood to protect it." On Tuesday, a stand-off between peaceful protesters and Brotherhood youth around Parliament led to 75 injuries. Tantawi refused to comment on the possibility of sacking the Port Said governor while giving interviews at Cairo International Airport where many of the injured were arriving. "This could happen anywhere in the world," he said. He also called on people to take the matter into their own hands. "Normal people must move against the people who did this," said Tantawi. "Normal people did this, so normal people must move to stop them." The SCAF announced a three-day mourning period and said it is forming an investigative committee. While the SCAF sent two planes to transport the most badly injured Ahly fans back to Cairo, the central Cairo train station in Midan Ramses was filled with incensed protesters looking to receive the rest of the returning fans. Along with weeping family and friends lamenting the massacre and demanding justice, thousands stood in unison throughout Thursday's early morning hours chanting "Down with military rule ... down with the field marshal." |
28 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/cairo-morgue-families-port-said-stadium-victims-blame-authorities | The bodies of 51 of the 71 people killed at Port Said stadium on Wednesday are now inside the Zeinhom Morgue in Cairo's Sayeda Zeinab neighborhood. Outside the building, the lamentations of mothers whose sons went to cheer at a football match and never came back mix with angry cries against military rule as many hold the military junta accountable for the deaths. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The clashes started when fans of Port Said's Masry team attacked fans of the opposing Ahly team following Masry's 3-1 victory. Zeinhom Morgue was chaotic as the families entered restricted areas and most doctors stayed in their offices, refusing to perform autopsies out of fear of the crowd, according to an employee in the morgue. The brother of two of the victims walked around the morgue banging his head against the walls and repeating, "They killed both my sisters. The whole gang has to be hanged." The wedding of Iman, 25, was planned for Friday. Her younger sister Aya, 22, was supposed to get married next month. Her brother Ahmed said both were killed by live fire. "I blame the National Democratic Party, it's the one that is destroying the country," said Ahmed, referring to the dismantled former ruling party, echoing a widely held belief that the stadium violence was orchestrated by the enemies of the revolution. "Only god is with me now," says Ahmed, who says he has given up on justice after watching the prosecution of those who killed protesters in the early days of the revolution drag on for over a year. Zeinhom Morgue has become the site of frequent collective mourning, where families of victims gather after violent incidents that have been breaking out on a monthly basis for the last year. Families of the martyrs who died in clashes with security forces in the last months while protesting for the completion of the revolution's demands often consoled themselves with the fact that their loved ones died for a higher cause. But today, the mourners were tormented by the futile deaths of their beloved, repeating in disbelief, "They were going to a football game." The mothers of victims were inconsolable as they stood together in a sea of black, each one calling out her dead son's name, reciting his traits and crying over her plans for him that were cut short. The mother of Ahmed Taher, a 16-year-old student who was killed in the events, clutched his legs covered in a black bag, crying, "He's 16, he hasn't lived yet, he was my everything." Members of the usually loud Ultras Ahlawy group were unrecognizable as they leaned on each other, unable to stand up straight, while some curled up in the corners of the morgue crying over their lost compatriots. An overwhelming belief among the mourners that the clashes that killed their loved ones were orchestrated was reflected in the cries of anger against the military and the government that rang out in the morgue. "We will show you what we will do; we will get back at you for killing our sons and burning our hearts," cried Abdel Moneim Khalifa, who was in the morgue to receive the body of his nephew, 22-year-old Ahmed Ismail, after his father went to Port Said to look for him when he heard about the events in the stadium. "I blame this on all the people who are after money and power - how could they let this happen? They should do something, anything," said Khalifa as he stood in the middle of the bodies lined up in the morgue. |
29 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/fifa-president-football-rage-not-responsible-port-said-deaths | BRUSSELS - The president of the International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) said Thursday that football-related rage was not the cause of the bloody events that followed an Egyptian Premier League match in Port Said on Wednesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); FIFA president Sepp Blatter told Al-Masry Al-Youm he would not make any accusations before the results of an investigation into the incident are announced. Riots broke out at the Port Said football stadium late Wednesday after the local team, Masry, defeated the Cairo-based Ahly club. Thousands of hardcore football fans, known in Egypt as ultras, supporting Masry invaded the pitch following their victory and clashed with Ahly Ultras, leaving at least 71 dead and at least 313 injured, according to the Health Ministry. Blatter offered his condolences to the families of the victims. "This is a black day for football. Such a catastrophic situation is unimaginable and should not happen," said Blatter in a letter he sent to the Egyptian Football Association. Blatter added that he spoke with association head Samir Zaher earlier on Thursday to get more details on the circumstances surrounding the tragedy. He told Al-Masry Al-Youm that he asked Zaher if the deaths were a result of intentional murder or from a stampede, adding that Zaher promised to provide him with the relevant details. Declining to comment on the debate over whether Egyptian football should continue, Blatter said the decision is up to the country's security authorities. He did, however, say that sporting events that lead to deaths should not proceed. Blatter implied the Egyptian Football Association was partially responsible for the incident, saying that the decision to hold a match should only be made if security measures are ensured for players, fans and referees. He went on to say that any local football association is entitled to cancel a game if it senses any security threat, even if authorities have provided assurances otherwise. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
30 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/funerals-port-said-dead-held-across-egypt | Funerals were held on Thursday across Egypt for victims of the clashes that broke out in Port Said Stadium following a game between the Ahly and Masry teams last night. Over 70 people died and over 300 were injured in the violence. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In Sharqiya, northeast of Cairo, thousands took part in the funerals of Islam Saif Elwan, 20, who worked in an industrial company in the 10th of Ramadan City, and Mahmoud Suleiman Hassan, 19, a student in the faculty of Engineering at a university in Zagazig. The two victims were buried in a cemetery in Kafr Abu Hamad city. Mourners chanted, "We sacrifice our blood and our soul for the martyrs" and "The martyr is loved by God." In Mansura, Daqahlia governorate, thousands took part in the burial of Mahmoud Ahmed Khatir, 21, whose coffin was shrouded in an Egyptian flag. The service was held in Nasr mosque. Young people tried to block the road outside the mosque in preparation of the casket being carried out. The funeral turned into a demonstration amid chants of, "There is no God but God, and the martyr is loved by God" and "Be comfortable martyr, for we continue the struggle." In Mahalla, a large number Mahalla and Ahly Ultras congregated inside the public hospital Thursday afternoon to take part in the funeral of Al-Arabi Kamel Mohamed, 20, a member of the Ultras Ahlawy. In Alexandria, hundreds participated in the funeral of Mahmoud Abdel Rahim al-Ghandour, founder of Ultras Ahlawy in Alexandria. Participants, who included members of the April 6 Youth movement, the Kefaya movement, supporters of Alexandria's Ittihad sporting club and Ghandour's colleagues, demanded retribution. Hundreds of the supporters of Alexandria's Ittihad sporting club, Ahly and Zamalek teams organized a protest that blocked the Corniche in protest of the Port Said clashes. The protestors raised the flags of the Ultras of Zamalek and Ahly, chanting slogans including, "There is no God but God and the martyr is loved by God" and "Either we die like them, or we get their rights." The blockade resulted in verbal clashes with drivers. The protestors demanded that the military council be held to account for the massacre and urged a vote of no confidence against the government of Kamal al-Ganzouri. They announced plans to hold a march carrying coffins to the headquarters of the northern military zone in Sidi Gaber demanding that the military council hand over power to civilians immediately. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm. |
31 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-cairo-protest-after-port-said-football-tragedy | Hundreds have blocked the Nile Corniche in front of the Maspero state television building to protest the violence following a football match Wednesday in Port Said, which left at least 71 football fans dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Riots broke out at the Port Said football stadium following a rare win by the local team, Masry, against Egypt's leading squad, Ahly. Thousands of hardcore football fans, known as ultras, supporting Masry swarmed the pitch following the victory and clashed with Al-Ahly Ultras, causing the deaths and hundreds of injuries, according to the Health Ministry. Relatives and friends of the victims marched to the TV building from Cairo's Ramses train station, where they had been waiting for fans returning from Port Said. At the station, nearly 10,000 Al-Ahly Ultras received their fellow fans early Thursday, and demanded the head of the ruling military council, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, be executed. Ahly fans were accompanied by supporters of their arch-rival, Zamalek, at the protest, and all chanted slogans against the SCAF and Tantawi. Thousands of demonstrators from nearby Tahrir Square also joined the protest, which halted traffic in front of Maspero. Dozens of Ahly Ultras also marched in the square itself, chanting angrily and demanding retribution for their dead comrades. Emad Eddin Hussein, the managing editor of the independent Al-Shorouk daily, said protesters prevented him, TV commentators and other reporters from entering the Maspero building. In a radio interview, Hussein voiced solidarity with the demonstrators and held the Interior Ministry responsible for the crisis. Protesters said their numbers are likely to grow throughout the day Thursday, adding that they intend to organize marches from Tahrir to the Interior Ministry and the cabinet building, both of which are located near the square. Several activists and politicians are holding the SCAF and interim government responsible for the disaster, while others are blaming vestiges of the regime of former President Hosni Mubarak. In reference to the violence, reform advocate and Nobel laureate Mohamed ElBaradei said Thursday that the failure to restructure Egypt's security services is a crime against the country. After receiving the returning Ahly players at an air force base east of Cairo on Thursday, Tantawi told reporters that attempts to undermine Egypt's stability are doomed to fail. He urged Egyptians to find the perpetrators behind the violence. "We want people to take part and not stand still. The ones who did this are individuals known to the Egyptian people. And the Egyptian people should not let them go." However, he did not specify the identity of those he was referring to. In a phone call to the Ahly club's satellite channel, Tantawi denied reports that the government had removed Port Said's governor and security chief. "I have ordered an investigation and we will find out who caused the tragic incident," he told the channel. Tantawi added that the Interior Ministry is "doing its duty" in securing football matches. "We are implementing a road map to transfer power to an elected civilian government, and we have already managed to secure the parliamentary elections," he said. |
32 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/political-forces-push-cabinets-removal | A number of political and activist groups and presidential hopefuls demanded Thursday that the People's Assembly withdraw confidence from the government of interim Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri, after violence at a football match Wednesday night left at least 71 dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Riots broke out following a football match in Port Said between Masry, the local club, and Ahly, a Cairo-based team. Thousands of hardcore football fans, known as ultras, supporting Masry stormed the field following their team's rare victory and clash with Ahly Ultras, leaving at least 313 injured, according to the Health Ministry. According to the Interim Constitution, the Parliament does not have the jurisdiction to withdraw confidence from the cabinet. The politicians and activists want a new government that will genuinely work toward achieving the demands of the 25 January revolution, liberal Wafd Party head Al-Sayed al-Badawy said, reading a joint statement following a three-hour meeting at the party's headquarters. Representatives from the Free Egyptians, Democratic Front, Wasat, and Reform and Development parties and the National Association for Change, as well as lawmakers and activists, attended the meeting. Presidential hopefuls Hazem Abu Ismail and Ayman Nour were also present. The participants unanimously declared that since the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is in charge of the country, it is fully responsible for the Port Said violence. Their statement also urged the People's Assembly to fulfill its duty to represent the people during Egypt's political transition and called for presidential elections to be held soon to end divisions among the people. The interim cabinet and the SCAF held parallel meetings Thursday morning to discuss the Port Said riots. They are seeking possible solutions to alleviate public outrage over their leadership and demands to prosecute SCAF head Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. The state-run Middle East News Agency said all of the SCAF's members attended the meeting to discuss the consequences of the tragedy. The council's official Facebook page has decried public outrage with the military council since the Port Said violence. "Support your armed forces and police services, be their shield until they fulfill their mission and restore security and stability," read an administrator's post on the page. Ganzouri also met with his cabinet's security committee, with Planning and International Cooperation Minister Fayza Abouelnaga, Finance Minister Momtaz al-Saeed, Manpower and Immigration Minister Fathy Fekry and Petroleum Minister Abdullah Ghorab all in attendance, according to MENA. Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim spoke to the media before both meetings, defending the performance of security forces during the stadium rampage. Ibrahim told the satellite channel Modern Sport that the events were planned in advance by fans. "It was not expected that the fans would storm the pitch after their team won the game," the minister said, in an attempt to justify security forces' inaction. |
33 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-violence-was-work-infiltrators-not-ultras-say-locals | PORT SAID - Port Said residents are adamant that the violence at Wednesday's football match here was caused by infiltrators, not hardcore local football fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A handful of supporters of the Masry Football Club, which beat Cairo's leading team Ahly 3-1 before the violence began, told Egypt Independent Thursday that what happened the day before was the premeditated work of infiltrators taking advantage of an intentional security vacuum. They pointed out that the gate between the stands and the pitch was left open, while at the same time the exit to the area where Ahly fans were sitting was kept closed. At least 71 people died and more than 300 were injured in the violence Wednesday night. Thousands of people gathered outside the Port Said governor's headquarters by late afternoon, chanting, "Port Said is innocent!" and "This is the truth," blaming security forces for the deadly violence. "This is a conspiracy. We wouldn't do this to our brothers," said Mohamed Abdel Fattah, standing outside of the governor's office. "The Ahly supporters were predominantly from Port Said. My brother was one of them. Port Said is sad today; all residents of the city are sad and feel as if their own relatives have died." Thousands gathered outside the Ahly club's headquarters in Zamalek, Cairo Thursday afternoon to protest the security forces' failure to intervene and prevent the Port Said violence. News emerged from the People's Assembly Thursday that the Port Said governor resigned in response to the tragedy. The resignation came amid rising calls for accountability for the stadium disaster. A coalition of political groups and individuals issued a statement early Thursday demanding the People's Assembly withdraw confidence from the interim cabinet headed by Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri. And later in the day, the April 6 Youth Movement and Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei called on Egyptians to engage in civil disobedience until 11 February to try to force the ruling military council from power. A number of experts and human rights advocates have accused Egypt's ruling military of complicity in the violence. Amr Hashem Rabia from the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, said the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces was complicit in the events through inaction. Journalist Saad Hagras also accused the SCAF and remnants of the former regime of involvement, telling Al-Masry Al-Youm that the incident was the result of a plot made in advance. Bahey Eddin Hassan, director of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, blamed the SCAF's lack of genuine desire to reform security services for the ongoing security void. Gamal Eid, director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the SCAF has been working to sow division among Egyptians, stressing that the military council is the principal beneficiary of the current events. Additional reporting by Al-Masry Al-Youm. |
34 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/regime-gets-back-port-said | Security officers in plain clothes are reported to have roamed Port Said chasing revolutionaries, accusing them of inciting last night's organized violence in the football stadium, which left more than 70 Ahly Club fans (Ultras) dead and thousands injured. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In order to understand the massacre that happened last night, and the responsibility of the state security apparatus, we need to look deeper at what has been happening in Port Said before and after the 25 January revolution. Since the revolution, Port Said has become a city void of any security. Paid thugs, or what could be referred to as the regime's militia, roam the city looting, kidnapping and blackmailing the residents. Any organized crime becomes extremely easy in such an environment, dominated by armed gangs and drug dealers, a situation that has greatly impoverished the city's residents. The city's location as a port north of the Suez Canal makes it vulnerable to such crime and the state security forces have intentionally left the city defenseless. Those who entered the stadium yesterday with the intention of provoking such violence are the same thugs who have been terrorizing the city's residents this past year; thugs who have been kidnapping girls and elders for ransom money, without any police deterrence. The state security and police's responsibility is not only confined to being incompetent and unwilling to perform their duty to protect the people - they played an active role in orchestrating last night's massacre. Several eyewitness accounts say that police opened the stadium gates for the Masry club supporters (mostly from Port Said), inciting them to clash with the Ahly Ultras. But why would the police do such a thing? Some have argued that the police were taking revenge on the Ahly Ultras for their repeated defiance of state security brutality during the revolution. But it is worth considering that the police were getting back at Port Said's residents themselves. Recently, city residents refused to welcome Alexandria's head of security, who was in office during the murder of Khaled Saeed (Saeed's torture at the hands of the police was central in mobilizing people in the months leading up to the revolution). On 20 January, a new head of security was appointed in Port Said, who oversaw last night's massacre in retaliation for the city's revolutionary stance. But the enmity between Port Said's residents and state security predates the revolution. After Mubarak's attempted assassination in Port Said in 1999, there was a systematic policy to ruin the city. Port Said had thrived on being a duty-free zone north of the Suez Canal. Port Said's economy sank following the alleged assassination attempt due to state policies that aimed to end the city's status as a duty-free zone. This has left many unemployed; some have been forced to make a living off of being paid thugs for state security. This time around, the state thugs who orchestrated the massacre abused football fanaticism to turn other Egyptians against Port Said's residents, holding them responsible for the massacre. In recent years, the regime has incited sectarian clashes to create a state of chaos that would put an end to the revolutionary path. This time football fanaticism was the fuel the regime and its security apparatus used to pit Egyptians against each other. Pro-Mubarak sports television hosts have contributed to this incitement, as they have not stopped blaming the revolution for the violence. After yesterday's tragedy, residents of Port Said are the ones paying the price. They spent last night in tears. They have also queued in front of hospitals to donate their blood for the victims. Port Said is my hometown, and I am also an Ahly Club fan. I know how much the residents of this city cherish life and that they would never murder Egypt's youth. What happened yesterday is the work of the criminal state security, and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces must be held responsible. Fayrouz Karawya is an independent artist, writer and researcher. |
35 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-football-fans-target-ruling-generals | Some of the Egyptian football fans who had a front-line role in toppling former President Hosni Mubarak have a new target - the man who replaced him at Egypt's helm, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "We want your head, you traitor Tantawi. You could have carved your name in history, but you were arrogant and you believed Egypt and its people could take a step back and forget their revolution," the Ultras Tahrir Square (UTS), a group of football fans, wrote on its Facebook page. The rage of these ultras, as dedicated football supporters are known, was sparked by a pitch invasion on Wednesday after a match between Port Said's Masry and rival Ahly of Cairo, Egypt's most successful club. In the violence that ensued, at least 71 people were killed and at least 313 were injured. For the ultras, as for many politicians and ordinary Egyptians, the anger was not that football fans clashed but that security forces appeared to have done little to stop them. It has added to the mounting frustration at the army's failure to restore law and order almost a year after taking charge. "Today, the marshal and the remnants of the regime send us a clear message. We either have our freedom or they punish us and execute us for participating in a revolution against tyranny," the group said in the statement, quickly circulated online. Residents of Port Said, as well as some politicians and ultras themselves, feel the group was the target. "Ultras are very popular and respected among the revolutionaries," said 45-year-old Port Said trader Ahmed Badr. "The ultras were the target (on Wednesday). This was a setup for them, a massacre. The military council and the security forces are the only parties held accountable for such events." Battle-front Ultras employed years of experience dealing with police at matches to devastating effect against Mubarak's security forces when they used heavy-handed tactics to try to crush the revolt. The ultras are not a single, coherent body. Major football clubs each have their own ultras fan groups, such as Ultras Ahlawy or Ultras White Knights, fans of Zamalek, another major Egyptian football club. UTS, which said Tantawi was in its crosshairs, is a group of fans from various clubs who united in Tahrir Square, the focus for revolutionary campaigning. Daring cat-and-mouse tactics by ultras, often teenagers or men in their early 20s, and steadfastness at front-line barricades under tear gas and rubber bullets wore the police down until they cracked. Within days of the anti-Mubarak uprising erupting, the police were replaced by the army. Since then, ultras have stayed at the battle-front, scuffling with the army and police, in the upsurges of violence since Mubarak's downfall in and around Tahrir, where protesters have demanded the army hand over power immediately to civilians. Ultras for months chanted in stadiums against the army, sending their message into people's living rooms as ordinary Egyptians turn on their televisions to watch matches. Many Egyptians, though worried by lax security, still feel the army is still the best placed to keep order. "Military police, you are dogs like the Interior Ministry. Write it on the prison's walls, down down with military rule," one chant they coined rings through stadiums. Football fans on Thursday reflected the hardening lines. "The people want the execution of the field marshal," thousands of Egyptians chanted at Cairo's main train station early on Thursday as fans returned from the Port Said match. Mourning Responding to the violence, Tantawi said the army would not let anything derail the transition, which the military says means handing over power to civilians before the end of June. He also vowed to track down the culprits of Wednesday's violence. An army statement announced three days of national mourning. Ultras Ahlawy responded with a statement on one of their Facebook pages saying that mourning should not be just for the dead but "for everyone who lost his morals, mourning for everyone who sold his soul, mourning for everyone who did not care for the country." The violence flared on Wednesday after Ahly fans unfurled banners insulting Port Said's Masry. One man went onto the pitch carrying an iron bar at the end of the match, which Masry won 3-1. Masry fans reacted by pouring onto the pitch and attacking Ahly players before attacking fans on the terraces. The police appeared to have no ability to stop it. "For the first time in the history of matches between these two teams, we did not find police officers or state security. Police withdraw from the stadium and yes, your plot is as clear to us as daylight," the UTS group said in its statement. Echoing condemnation by politicians, presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi said those killed in Port Said were victims of "systematic chaos". He said: "What happened was black vengeance against the Ultras because of their role in the revolution." |
36 | 2012-02-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-clashes-near-interior-ministry-after-marches-against-port-said-massacre-military-rule | Riot police fired tear gas at protesters Thursday evening as thousands of people swarmed streets surrounding the Ministry of Interior to protest what they see as police complicity in the violence in Port Said yesterday that left 74 people dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Clashes are taking place on Mohamed Mahmoud Street, the scene of a fierce five-day-long battle last November. At the time, the military built a large concrete wall to block protesters. People are now in the process of dismantling the wall. Electricity was cut off on Mansour Street, another street leading to the Interior Ministry, and fires are being set to light up the street, according to an Al-Masry Al-Youm report. A field hospital has been set up and the majority of the injured are suffering from asphyxiation as a result of tear gas inhalation. The Health Ministry released a statement saying that there have not been serious injuries from the clashes, "only minor ones from teargas or thrown stones." The ministry said 388 people have been injured, and that 266 received treatment in the area while the rest were referred to nearby hospitals. The scene is reminiscent of other clashes between protesters and security forces in November and December, with protesters forming human chains to ensure that ambulances carrying the injured to the field hospital can get through the crowds. Ambulance workers had been on strike, but an estimated 70 percent have returned to work to help those injured in the clashes. Motorcycles are being used to transport the injured. Demonstrations are also taking place in Tahrir Square and in the Maspero area. Protesters surrounded a Central Security Forces truck carrying new recruits on Talaat Harb Street in downtown Cairo. The driver of the truck fled, leaving the recruits behind in the crowd. Protesters provoked riot police earlier in the evening, with some throwing rocks and a few brandishing tasers. The clashes began after thousands of people, many of them hardcore football fans known as Ultras, marched from the Ahly Club in Zamalek into downtown Cairo to protest the violence at a football match in Port Said on Wednesday. The march broke into two smaller parts when it reached Tahrir Square, with one headed for the Interior Ministry and the other aiming for the nearby People's Assembly building. Protesters chanted slogans against the ruling military junta, which they hold responsible for Wednesday's deadly events. Three members of Parliament joined the protest earlier on: Amr Hamzawy, an independent liberal and Ziad al-Elaimy and Mohamed Abu Hamed of the liberal Egyptian Bloc coalition. Abu Hamed and Elaimy both said they will resign if no one is prosecuted for the incident within a week. It is unclear if the MPs left after the clashes started. Upon arrival to Tahrir Square, some tried to convince the march not to head to the Interior Ministry in order to avoid bloodshed. Some ultras insisted on heading to the ministry and a few attempted to bring down the wall erected in November on Mohamed Mahmoud Street. Some protesters removed the barbed wire blocking the way to the Interior Ministry and threw rocks at the security forces. Others formed a human shield separating the two sides to avoid violence and chanted, "Peaceful." The protesters held the ruling military council responsible for the violence and demanded the prosecution of its Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. Some protesters also demanded Tantawi's execution. The Interior Ministry released a statement warning demonstrators against "creating chaos," saying that the ministry "appeals to the honorable people of Egypt to listen to the voice of reason and uphold the interests of the country in order to achieve the goals of the revolution," Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. Among a noticeably weak security presence, fans of the Masry team attacked fans of the Ahly team after winning the game yesterday. Echoing a widely held belief that the violence was orchestrated for political motives the protesters chanted, "This is not a sports incident, this is a military massacre." Mohamed Abdel Hamid, who was injured in yesterday's violence, accused the police of conspiring with those who attacked the Ahly fans to punish the ultras for criticizing Field Marshal Tantawi. "They left us to be slaughtered and didn't do anything," he said. Abdel Hamid added that the protesters don't want to storm the Interior Ministry; they only want the rights of those who were killed. "We all understand that what happened had nothing to do with a soccer match," said Rasha Ibrahim, a 21-year-old protester. "We are protesting today to tell the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that this is your end. You will leave. They killed too many people." |
37 | 2012-02-03 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-protesters-besiege-interior-ministry | Protesters laid siege to Egypt's Interior Ministry on Friday, extending a rally against the military-led government into a second day in a show of anger triggered by the deaths of 74 people in the country's worst football disaster. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In separate clashes in the city of Suez, two protesters were killed as police used live rounds to hold back crowds trying to break into a police station, witnesses said. Demonstrations erupted in Egypt this week following deaths at a football stadium in Port Said as the football incident turned quickly into a political crisis. Protesters hold the military-led authorities responsible for the bloodshed. In Cairo, several thousand protesters remained in the streets around the ministry as night fell. The only vehicles in the usually congested downtown area were largely ambulances that ferried away casualties from clashes with police. Underlining the tension, ambulances had to intervene to extract riot police whose truck took a wrong turn into a street full of protesters, a Reuters witness said. Protesters surrounded the vehicle for at least 45 minutes, rocking it while the police were inside. Some of the demonstrators then formed a human corridor to help them escape. Close to 400 people were wounded in confrontations that erupted late on Thursday, the Health Ministry said, many of them suffering the effects of inhaling tear gas fired by riot police who the Interior Ministry said were protecting the building. Rocks thrown by protesters were strewn across streets that two months ago witnessed violent clashes between police and activists who see the Interior Ministry as an unreformed vestige of former President Hosni Mubarak's rule. "We are not going to leave this time," said Sami Adel, a 23-year-old member of the ultras, a group of football fans known for confronting police. They have regularly been on the front lines of clashes with security forces over the last year. Security forces fired tear gas into the night to drive back protesters, who then regrouped ready for more. "The crimes committed against the revolutionary forces will not stop the revolution or scare the revolutionaries," said a pamphlet printed in the name of the ultras. In Suez, witnesses said fighting broke out at a local police station in the early hours of Friday. "We received two corpses of protesters shot dead by live ammunition," said a doctor at a morgue where the bodies were kept. A witness said: "Protesters are trying to break into the Suez police station and police are now firing live ammunition." The football stadium deaths have heaped new criticism on the military council, which has governed Egypt since Mubarak stepped down a year ago in the face of mass protests. Critics regard them as part of his administration and an obstacle to change. The army leadership, in turn, has presented itself as the guardian of the 25 January revolution. It has promised to hand power to an elected president by the end of June. Interior minister blames fans At least 1,000 people were injured in the football violence when fans invaded the pitch after local Port Said team Masry beat Cairo-based Ahly, the most successful club in Africa. Hundreds of Masry supporters surged across the pitch to the visitors' end and panicked Ahly fans dashed for the exit. But the steel doors were bolted shut and dozens were crushed to death in the stampede, witnesses said. The cause of the violence has been the focus of intense speculation. Some believe it was triggered by unknown provocateurs working for remnants of the Mubarak administration who are seeking to sabotage the transition to democracy. Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim said the fans started it. "The events started with provocations between the Ahly and Masry crowds, then insults, until it ended up with those sorrowful events," he told the Egyptian TV station CBC during a telephone interview. Ibrahim was widely blamed for the deaths during an emergency parliamentary session on Thursday. MPs, including the Islamists who control some 70 percent of the chamber, called for him to be held to account and accused him of negligence. Safwat Zayat, an analyst, said the incident had done further damage to the image of the ruling military council. "The current events push in the direction of speeding up the transfer of power to civilians," Zayat told Reuters. Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, the head of the military council, responded to the deaths by vowing that Egypt would remain stable. "We have a roadmap to transfer power to elected civilians," he said in broadcast remarks. |
38 | 2012-02-03 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-fans-blame-security-infiltrators-match-violence | PORT SAID - Despite a biting wind the sun shone brightly on Port Said Thursday, and if not for the people out in droves in front of the governorate building and marching around the city, no one would guess that unprecedented violence had occurred here just the day before. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The residents of Port Said came out in force Thursday, insisting that the violence in the city's football stadium the night before was something they vehemently condemned, and placing blame for the incident squarely on the shoulders of security forces and local authorities. The stadium itself still sports debris from Wednesday night's riots, in which 74 people lost their lives in riots after a match between the local team, Masry and Cairo's leading team, Ahly. Strewn across the ground are rocks and shoes people left behind as they ran for their lives. Trouble brewed in Port Said Stadium early on in the match Wednesday evening, as fans taunted each other and held up provocative signs. Yet the game continued, and after the final whistle fans stormed the pitch and chased rival supporters up the bleachers. "The situation was very strange," said member of Ultras Masrawy, a group of hardcore fans supporting the city's Masry club, Ahmed Yasser, "to see people dead at a football game. Someone who leaves his house to watch a football match and never comes back, this is something unheard of, I cried all night. This could never come from us." City residents and football supporters insist that the stands were infiltrated and that the riots were premeditated, pointing to glaring security lapses throughout the game. Ultra members from both teams had met with the stadium security head and Masry club president Kamel Abu Ali before the match and agreed that there should be no violence. The ultras point to this meeting as proof that they had no intention of stirring up any trouble during the game. "We usually gather before the game and go sit in our usual place," Yasser said. "When we went there this time we found others there. We usually tell them to leave and this time we did but they said, 'no,' and we didn't want to cause trouble so we sat somewhere else." From then on, Yasser and others pointed to a series of security failures. "There was a massive security lapse," said Masry fan Islam al-Sayed. "We saw the supporters storm the pitch and security forces did nothing to stop it. We're accustomed to some trouble happening at games but not like this, not where people will die. At most there is some stone-throwing after the game." In a precursor of what was to come, fans took to the pitch at halftime in a precursor of what was to come. And curiously, the gates between the stands and the pitch were left open. Some witnesses said that the exits at the back of the stands housing the Ahly ultras were closed. To make things even worse, the stadium lights went out after the match finished. "The gates have always been locked ever since I've been attending the games. They were open this time," Yasser said. Masry supporters admit that they stormed the pitch at the final whistle to celebrate, but they claim they did not chase after the Ahly fans and players. Another Masry ultra, Mohamed Adel, said, "We were ecstatic with the result [Masry won 3-1]; I did go onto the pitch to celebrate with my team. When we saw what was happening near the Ahly stands we ran to form a cordon at the bottom and prevent more people from going up." During the second half, Masry fans were provoked by a banner unfurled at the Ahly end casting doubt on the manhood of Port Said residents. "The banner provoked us," Yasser said, "so when we scored the third goal supporters celebrated on the pitch. Missiles [fireworks] were exchanged between us." "At the end of the game there was one gate that was broken and another one that was already opened. You find the gates open in front of you so of course everybody went down," Sayed said. "Some went to celebrate on the pitch. The others - the infiltrators - ran past to chase the Ahly fans. We won the game, why would we attack them?" Adel also proposed the infiltrator theory, saying that at halftime four buses arrived outside the stadium and unloaded people who took to the stands wearing green Masry shirts. It was they who chased the Ahly supporters, Sayed contended, and "when we saw what was happening we tried to block them at the foot of the pitch in front of the stands." All of the Masry goals were accompanied by fan invasions of the pitch. The chaos that ensued after the game was difficult to fathom, with Ahly fans finding themselves stuck in a congested area, causing many to suffocate. Others were killed by direct assaults and some even attempted to jump or fell off the top of the stands. The next day, thousands protested in the streets of Port Said insisting that the violence was not the work of its residents. They pointed out that the governor and head of security were absent from the match, which was uncommon for games against Ahly. Many agreed that those who attacked the Ahly supporters were not regular Masry ultras. Others mentioned that many of the Ahly fans at the game also hailed from Port Said. The insistent belief that this was the handiwork of infiltrators may seem like a city desperate to exonerate itself from the massacre. But the strange security lapses at the match do raise questions. Many who attended the match claimed that level of security outside the stadium was actually much smaller than usual. All of this feeds the belief that security forces were somehow involved in at least allowing matters to escalate to such a degree. "Are you trying to convince me that the police and the military can secure parliamentary elections involving 27 million people and they can't secure two stands with a few thousand people?" Yasser asked. "Tantawi is Mubarak." |
39 | 2012-02-03 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-politics-fun-confront-tyranny | Wednesday's massacre of Ahly Club fans in Port Said's football stadium was the latest in a tragic crescendo for young Egyptians who continue to clash heavily with Egypt's Central Security Forces. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); And though the clashes have been continually analyzed since they began in January of last year, in my opinion the most important factor has yet to be discussed. I believe we are witnessing a natural development in an inevitable conflict between two parties that have found themselves following two different paradigms of life: the paradigm of depression, control and normalization of apathy, versus that of joyful liberation from the shackles of social and institutional norms to create gratifying chaos. The latter is what I call the politics of fun. This conflict between two rhythms of life - one so dim it fails to realize its own fragility, stagnation and gradual extinction, and the other so young and full of life that it fails to realize the revolutionary consequences of its actions - is a useful one, and should be allowed to grow. In fact, the chaos of the ultras, Egypt's hardcore football fans, may play the role of waking up Egypt's middle class, which continues to adhere to the myth of stability. Some experts say that the ultras are a non-political group and their political power remains limited and so the entire phenomenon is not worthy of consideration. In response, I recall the following: When the 25 January revolution erupted, observers discovered that the only organized group in Egypt with the combative experience to deal with Central Security Forces and the Ministry of Interior was the ultras, not the Muslim Brotherhood, the April 6 Youth Movement or the National Assembly for Change. They had mastered attack and defense strategies that helped reduce losses. They knew how to sustain active resistance. This became clear in the prominent roles they played in the battles of Qasr al-Nil Bridge, Ramses Street and the "Battle of the Camel." Their history of continual confrontation with the oppressive Ministry of Interior was thus proved to be exceptional revolutionary action. The 25 January revolution was, in essence, a fast moving, intrepid coup against a rigid and dim rhythm of life. It's true that the Mubarak regime's failed economic policies and oppression by police forces were the two most prominent reasons behind the popular uprising from a political perspective, but the movement also needed a bold adventurous spirit defiant of social norms to translate the feelings and expectations of the Egyptian people into huge popular protest. The ultras' politics of fun provided this, and thus shaped the spirit of the Egyptian revolution. Ultras' origins The ultras phenomenon can be analyzed from two perspectives: the development of Egyptian football and sports fans' traditions, or of youth culture during the last decade. During the 1980s and 90s, cheering for football teams was simple and primitive. Football fans were either "professional" supporters, characterized as extensions of the football club's administrative entity or linked with one of the prominent football stars - hence likely to be steered- or the recreational type, who headed to the football match after work or on Fridays hoping for a couple of hours' entertainment. But the most important feature of the period was that rooting for football teams was detached from any broader emotional, social or organizational attitudes. The globalization of football in the late 1990s and the beginning of the new millennium marked the birth of a new era for football in Egypt, characterized by the establishment of a broad football viewership with a range of rooting styles and values. This new football industry in Egypt, driven by market demand, also provided high profitability, opportunities for money laundering, advertising, and the circulation of financial resources. This emerging market was invariably bound to depend on young fans as consumers of the language, behavior and tools of the new globalized football era. It was in this environment that ultra groups came to life. Ultras first appeared in Latin America and Mediterranean European Countries such as Italy, Spain, France, Portugal and the Balkans. In the Arab world, they began in Tunisia, and were soon followed by the appearance of ultras for the major Egyptian football clubs, beginning with the Ultras Ahlawy, Zamalek's Ultras White Knights and Ismaily's Ultras Blue Dragons, and smaller regional clubs such as Port Said's Ultras Masry. The revolutionary significance of the ultras phenomenon did not appear until 2007, when a series of clashes with security authorities began both in football stadiums and on the streets. Vandalism and violence also began to escalate between different clubs' ultras. The key to understanding the ultras phenomenon is to imagine it as a way of life for these youth - for them, becoming a football fan became a symbolic action that was both joyful and a means of self-expression. But the broader social, psychological and cultural contexts were unable to adapt to the groups' activities, by virtue of their rebellious nature and their defiance of norms. Ultras' contributions to revolutionary efforts The ultras can be described as having the following characteristics, from which the current protest movement has and continues to benefit: 1. Dynamism Rooting for a team is a dynamic process, which includes supporting the team on the pitch, glorifying its achievements and defending it against its opponents. It is driven by a vague emotional code, which encourages an emotional attachment to the team. Winning or losing does not affect the group's faith or cohesion. For example, the successive victories of Al-Ahly team did not relax the Ultras Ahlawy's drive, just as Zamalek's successive losses did nothing to discourage the Ultras White Knights. Frustration never gets the best of them. 2. Flexibility Organization is at the core of the ultras phenomenon, as practical necessity for managing the movement of fans with their teams to the various cities. Ultras remain proud of their group identity but at the same time members are free to be active in the streets as long as it does not conflict with the group's purpose. This includes political activism. On 25 January, for example, the ultras did not initially join the protests as a group, but gave members the freedom to join on an individual basis. When it became clear that it was a revolution that involved major confrontations with security forces, the ultras made the decision to join as a group on 28 January 2011, called the Friday of Anger. 3. Positive attitude Ultras have always taken the initiative while attempting to outdo the cheering activities of the opposing team's supporters. From here came the term"cortege," which was adapted from the street war terminology of Colombia, Brazil, and Argentina. It means going out in demonstrations as a show of power in the opponents' areas of influence away from the stadium. Cortege sometimes leads to violence. 4. Refusal of patriarchy and traditionalism The ultras refuse the tutelage of club heads when it comes to the determining what to do and what not to do. Most football clubs are institutions based on patriarchy and elitism. Ultras youth not only love their clubs, but also are not afraid to criticize a team's policies. One historic development in Ahly's case was Ultras Ahlawy's constant criticism of the policies of the club's board with respect to its contracts with the players, coaches and management team. The rebellious nature of the ultras also rejects puritanical ethical standards regarding "obscene insults", and the prevention of girls from attending the games. They also adopt unusual clothing and behavior that defy norms. 5. Group mentality Despite the ultras' popularity and their important role during the revolution, none of their leaders have a media presence. These figures remain anonymous to outsiders. This appears to be a deliberate policy that can be explained by the ultras' desire to uphold a group mentality (against the mass media's traditional tendencies to create stars and to deal with representatives of phenomena). This secrecy cannot be compared to that of Masonic lodges - as perceived in some sensationalist cheap media coverage of Ultras - but is more comparable to the libertarian privacy that sets limits for itself against sensational media coverage. 6. Rebellion The ultras define themselves as rebellious. Not only do they confront competitors in the form of sports teams and administrations, they also revolt against the sports media, which is permanently and aggressively biased against them. The ultras also revolt against the Ministry of Interior, which is an organized, oppressive, brutal entity that does its best to ruin their fun for no good reason. The ministry has continually stepped up attacks on the fan groups as they have gained numbers and influence. Due to the nature of its composition and its military mentality, the Ministry of Interior was not able to accept the idea of an organized group of several thousand members that is capable of mobilizing young people independent of any authority or guidance. The ultras' insistence on continuing in their ways, despite the growing crackdown on them - which reached the point of imprisonment, arresting people in their homes and excessive inspections on entering stadiums (instigated directly by the media) - only provoked police officers further. In response, the ultras' actions became more symbolic, their banners including rebellious political statements. Confrontation was inevitable, and ultras' found it during the 25 January revolution. Future for Egypt's ultras In the wake of the ministry's collapse following the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, the ultras have been the least responsive to media demands to turn a new page with the police forces. On the contrary, the Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights began writing songs and chants focusing on two things: the overwhelming and humiliating defeat of the Ministry of Interior by the ultras, and criticizing the institution itself by making fun of officers' poor educational levels and the corruption inside its administration. Following the 25 January revolution, the Ministry of Interior has again displayed retaliatory tendencies and the ultras have taken them on as an existential battle. Furthermore, the situation was expected to escalate following rumors that the government intends to control the numbers and "types" of fans attending football games. After Wednesday's massacre of the Ultras Ahlawy, I wonder about the ultras' future. Today, they and many Egyptians are fuming against national security and the Supreme Council of Armed Forces, who are widely perceived as responsible for the deaths of those joyful and defiant young people. The deaths of so many young football fans marks a turning point in the story of Egypt's ultras and I wonder whether this tragedy will provoke them to develop their strategies and combat mechanisms so as to play an even more direct political and social role in the future. Ashraf El-Sherif teaches at the American University in Cairo. This article was originally published in Arabic on Jadaliyya. |
40 | 2012-02-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/death-toll-rises-12-protests-after-port-said-football-disaster | The number of protesters killed in clashes with security forces in the wake of Wednesday's deadly football riot has risen to 12, an Egyptian health official said on Saturday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hesham Shiha, deputy health minister, said in a press statement that the ministry has received reports this morning of five new deaths in Cairo and three new deaths in the port city of Suez. Earlier on Saturday, an Egyptian security official told the state news agency that five people died on Friday in Suez when security officers opened fire on several thousand protesters outside police headquarters. However, Suez police said that two protestors were killed by civilians, not police. The police said they have identified those responsible for killing those two protesters. "I am always on good terms with the people of Suez and its revolutionaries, and everybody in the governorate knows it would be impossible that I order the shooting of revolutionaries, because I consider them my sons," Suez Security Directorate chief Adel Refaat said Saturday. The suspects took advantage of the protests to create chaos and used two cars to commit the crime, he said. Mohamed al-Touny al-Sagheer, 18, was killed Friday evening after being shot in the head during clashes between protesters and security in the vicinity of Suez Security Directorate. He was a member of the Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans. Earlier on Friday the Suez Public Hospital announced the death of Alaa Abdel Moneim, a protester who died on his way to hospital after being shot in the chest. On Thursday, two young protesters were killed in the city. The prosecution referred their bodies to the forensics team in Ismailia, and they are expected to be returned on Saturday evening for burial in Suez. The hospital announced that 120 protesters have been injured in Suez. The injuries include suffocation as well as birdshot and live bullet wounds. Citizens converged on the hospital to donate blood in response to a call from the hospital's administration. The number of protesters injured by birdshot has reached 35, the hospital said. The Suez Security Directorate said 10 police personnel were injured by either live bullets or birdshot. |
41 | 2012-02-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/fifa-chief-slams-egypts-political-interference | FIFA president Sepp Blatter has slammed "political interference" in Egyptian football, in the wake of the death of 74 fans in riots following a midweek domestic match. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "In Egypt, football has been victim of political interference," he said late Friday at the opening of a Conmebol meeting in Paraguay. "We cannot accept it. Football is for the people, the youth, to offer emotion and hope. We will never accept that it be used for political ends." FIFA has previously suspended a number of national football federations it suspected of having been subject to political interference, banning them from regional and international competition. Blatter said clashes between fans of the Masry and Ahly teams in Port Said on Wednesday that left 74 people dead was a "black day for football" and should not have happened. Violence has since spread across Egypt, as anger at the country's ruling military boiled over. Many of the dead in Wednesday's football riot were thought to have been Ahly supporters, set upon by partisans of the local Masry side after the Cairo team lost 3-1. The ultras, comprising organised supporters of Cairo's main football clubs, played a prominent role among anti-regime elements in the uprising that overthrew president Hosni Mubarak a year ago. Commentators and citizens have suggested pro-Mubarak forces were behind, or at least complicit in, the Port Said killings. The president of the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) and his board of directors all resigned on Saturday, having already been fired by Egypt's prime minister following the football disaster. Samir Zaher, the EFA president, was also reportedly banned from leaving Egypt pending an investigation into the disaster. Saturday's decision to resign will likely be accepted by FIFA. |
42 | 2012-02-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/blog-football-meets-politics-again-differently | I watched endless re-runs of the final moments of the Ahly-Masry game in Port Said in a restaurant, on a muted television. Silent images of a man triumphantly carried on someone's shoulders and hurriedly put down as hordes of men fill the pitch and pursue the Ahly players, shown again and again. The celebrations turned so quickly, so seamlessly, into violence and tragedy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hundreds of youths gathered outside Ahly's Cairo base the next day, chanting against Port Said, against Ahly director Hassan Hamdy, against the Interior Ministry, against the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). At one point screams interrupted the chants. A young woman banged her head on the roof of a car while next to her an older woman collapsed on the ground. They had just heard that their relative, 16-year-old Islam Ahmed, was amongst the stadium's dead. Later a man shouted at men behind the Ahly Club's locked gates, "what did the people that died have to do with politics?" It was a question repeated by several Ahly fans outside their club, grumbling about the presence of "Tahrir people" "politicizing" their loss and using it for mileage in their campaign against the SCAF. But they were a minority. The march that eventually left the club at 4 pm was dominated by chants condemning SCAF, and calling for the execution of the field marshal. Chants by the famously obscene Ultras Ahlawy (the football firm of Egypt's top team) now target the military, and they echoed round downtown Cairo's streets when the march arrived there. The march stopped at the Mohamed Mahmoud Street wall, near Tahrir Square, and some protesters immediately clambered on top of it and began trying to dissemble it. Other protesters standing below called on them to stop, and chanted "selmeya, selmeya" (peaceful, peaceful). The men on the wall looked down on them in disgust. "Yes we're thugs!" one said, sardonically, thumping his chest. "We're being paid to do this." In Falaky Square another huge march was headed for the streets leading to the Interior Ministry building. My heart sank when I saw them turn into Mansour Street. I had been there a week ago, during the January 25 anniversary protests/celebrations, and noted the fragile looking barbed wire and line of bored riot police standing behind it, 500 meters away from the Interior Ministry. It was a confrontation waiting to happen. The demonstration turned into Mansour Street. A tangible surge of energy went through the protest as it rumbled onwards towards the barricade. There was such a terrible inevitability about what would happen next, it was like watching an army march to war. It didn't take long for the riot police to lose patience, as usual. Protesters knocked down the barbed wire and then busied themselves with disassembling it. The riot police retreated two meters. There was no attempt by the protesters to push them back further. But the riot police soon tired of the occasional rock thrown at them and the tear gas started; frequent, intense volleys of it. The cycle began. Many of the protesters wore football insignia. Famous rivals Zamalek and Ahly temporarily put hostilities aside and their fans stood side by side on the frontline. Their involvement, and the whole Port Said incident, is another interesting dimension of football's complicated relationship with the state. Leading Egyptian football clubs are big business and have a huge public following. Their fans have always enjoyed a certain autonomy as a result. Between 2007 and 2011, during the repression of the Mubarak years, I attended four mass public gatherings: street celebrations for Egypt's victory in the African Cup; Muslim Brotherhood organized protests during Israel's 2009 attack on Gaza; riots following the Egypt-Algeria debacle; and finally the January 25 protests and what followed. There was such a sense of freedom during the African Cup celebrations when the normal rules didn't apply, and the streets were temporarily handed over to the people. And then again that strange police absence during the protests over the Egyptian football team's treatment in Algeria. Protests during which the state of emergency was temporarily and informally suspended and young men ran amok around the Algerian Embassy. The old adage was that football was used as a distraction from political repression, as a vent for Egypt's angry young men. In Port Said, the theory goes, it was used as a spark, another installment of the chaos proponents of this theory say is being deliberately incited. There are layers upon layers of history in the Port Said Stadium tragedy: a decades long rivalry between Ahly and Masry, the last episode of which was last year, when Ahly fans rioted in Port Said; a society in which violence has been tolerated - condoned even - for years, in police stations and schools; an incompetent and corrupt police force stripped of its tools now that rampant abuse is less tolerated; and the legacy of generations of young men informally employed by the Interior Ministry and other regime elements as informers/heavies. Whether or not the Port Said massacre was deliberately orchestrated should perhaps not be the focus now. We may never know the truth of why this happened, but how it happened is clear: men were allowed into stadiums with weapons, doors were closed on a panicked crowd, and as a result at least 71 boys and young men were stabbed or crushed to death. Part of a sinister plot to plunge Egypt into mayhem or not, responsibility for the Port Said events goes to the very top. The failure to acknowledge this is the true chaos of Egypt. |
43 | 2012-02-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/mobile-companies-ready-cooperate-port-said-probe | Egypt's three main cell phone service providers -Vodafone, Mobinil, and Etisalat - have expressed readiness to cooperate with authorities in their investigation into Wednesday's football violence, which left 74 dead and hundreds injured. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Violence broke out in the Port Said football stadium following a rare win by the local team, Masry, against the rival Ahly team. Thousands of ultras, hardcore football fans, who support Masry swarmed the pitch following the victory and clashed with their Ahly counterparts. The incident prompted Prime Minster Kamal al-Ganzouri to disband the Egyptian Football Association's board and fire Port Said's security chief. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that the companies have offered to reveal telephone records belonging to suspects in the case. The companies cited a telecommunications law which says that customers' communication records may not be revealed except through permission by the public prosecution. Al-Masry Al-Youm said the companies have not yet received any requests in that respect. In accordance with the law, the companies will only reveal phone numbers connected with the suspects, without exposing content of what was said during the calls. Earlier in January, several internet activists called for temporarily boycotting mobile services as punishment to service providers for a communication blackout during the early days of the 25 January revolution. During the uprising, internet and mobile companies halted their services under pressure from security authorities. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
44 | 2012-02-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/revolution-youth-ahly-fans-call-dismissal-pm | Several revolutionary and protest movements on Saturday called for the dismissal of the government amid the aftermath of the massacre in Port Said last week at a football match that left 74 people dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Members of the 25 January Revolution Youth Coalition, the April 6 Youth Movement, Our Egypt movement and Ultras Ahlawy met for a People's Youth Assembly Committee meeting. Khaled Abdel Hamid, a member of the Popular Alliance Party, said it is time for Parliament to give orders to the government. The Interior Ministry is unable to control its officers around the ministry and prevent them from using tear gas on protesters, Abdel Hamid said. Wednesday's match left at least 71 people dead and 1,000 injured when fans of Port Said's Masry team stormed the field seconds after their team won the match, attacking players and fans from the Cairo-based Ahly team. So far 12 people have been killed in ensuing clashes with police around the country. Ultras Ahlawy member Ahmed Ghareeb accused Port Said spectators of killing Ahly football fans. He said a Muslim Brotherhood member told them there was a plan to "liquidate them." Ghareeb said Ahly fans were issued threats while on their way to the stadium in Port Said. He said they found out there were only 10 army recruits and one officer ensuring the safety of Ahly fans at the stadium. Abdel Rahman Fares, a member of the 25 January Revolution Youth Coalition, accused three police generals of being behind the killings. Meanwhile, Mohamed Gaballah, a political activist and international law professor, said Article 33 of the constitutional declaration gives the People's Assembly the right to manage the affairs of the country and to decide on general state policies. He also called on Parliament to set a timeline for the handover of power to civilians. Saif Abdel Fattah, a political science professor, called for civil disobedience on 11 February in which members from political and revolutionary powers and the People's Assembly would participate. Osama Yassin, the head of the committee, said the fact-finding committee formed to investigate the Port Said killings has come to frightening conclusions. He said the attorney general should be dismissed because previous investigations in other clashes have led to nowhere. Meanwhile, Shady al-Ghazaly Harb, the founder of Awareness Party, called for the removal of Ganzouri's government and the formation of government whose members belong to the Freedom and Justice Party or a coalition government to lead the coming stage. Harb called for early elections and the cancellation of Article 28 of the constitutional declaration, which gives the head of the presidential election committee immunity. Tranlsated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
45 | 2012-02-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-heroes-villains-or-scapegoats | Even within the context of the past 13 months, the events of Wednesday's soccer match confound. Port Said's home team enjoys a rare victory, and fans celebrate by raiding the pitch and murdering scores of Ahly supporters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Reports of decapitations, bodies being thrown from the stadium's uppermost bleachers, and defiled corpses come pouring in across news and sports shows, while live images reveal rows of central security officers watching from the sidelines, doing little, as had come to be expected of them. The scene left a gash in the national consciousness, and questions piled up immediately. As retired goalkeeper Nader al-Sayed lamented during his televised sports show's live coverage of what has been since repeatedly referred to as a massacre, "This is not normal. This is the result of a malicious and sinister plan, carefully plotted and expertly perpetrated, and we all know by whom." "This past year has seen obvious attempts at destabilizing the nation, and we have remained silent through them all," Sayed continued, speaking on behalf of Egypt's considerable hardcore soccer enthusiasts. "We were silent as our institutions were burned to the ground, we were silent as our women were publicly dragged and beaten. We cannot remain silent any longer." What Sayed failed to either realize or acknowledge was that one section of the Egyptian soccer fanbase - arguably the most devoted - has not been silent. In fact, the ultras have played an undeniably significant role in the ongoing revolution, as attested to by revolutionaries. "The ultras are not politically active," says Mohamed Gamal Beshir, author of the recently released "Ultras Book" and founder of the Zamalek White Knights, who claims that although certain football fangroups which inspired the Egyptian ultras, such as ones in Italy or England, might have political connections or adhere to fascist ideologies, their Egyptian counterparts are just casual, albeit passionate, fans uninterested in "mobilizing as a group or anything like that." Rather, it is their unchecked (i.e., youthful) passion, not to mention their years of experience in dealing with a police force that widely targeted them as thugs and hooligans, that has earned the ultras their revolution-era reputation as either an unruly mob or heroic "lions" safeguarding the national pride. "They are heroes, there is no question about it," insists Samah al-Nakkash, a 44-year-old mother, and unlikely member of the protest that swelled outside of Cairo's Ahly soccer club the morning after the massacre in Port Said. Her soccer-loving son, she says, is not an ultra but his friends are, "and they are lions. They are always organizing popular committees on the street, and protecting girls, and attacking the police officers that try to dishonor them." As the protesters shuffled in an attempt to get their planned march to Parliament started, Nakkash continued to praise the young men who had nurtured their love of sport into fully-blossomed patriotism. Nakkash - and likely all others desperate for a shred of optimism to cling to in increasingly troubling times - would be dispirited to hear that the ultras have not been organizing popular committees or girl-protecting squads. "Yes, we have been on the street, and yes, we have been participating in the revolution," says Hisham Abdel Rahman, a member of the Ultras Ahlawy unfortunate enough to have been in the bleachers at the Port Said game. Of the role he and his ultra-brethren have played in the uprising, Abdel Rahman explains, "We do these things as Egyptians, not as ultras." However, that may soon change. The horrors the 19-year-old witnessed during the Port Said-Ahly clash have been widely documented by its survivors. His firsthand account has left him convinced that the incident was planned ("The gates were welded shut, during the game there were weapons being openly exchanged in front of the police, and there were new rows of iron seats that I had never seen in that stadium before"), but it is the aftermath that has left him truly shaken. Immediately following the mayhem - and, to a lesser extent, as it was unfolding - there were those who publicly described it as being the result of typical football hooliganism. On the surface, these condemnations were not unreasonable - Port Said and Ahly have a history of rivalry - but fail to hold up to the slightest scrutiny. "Yes, there's rivalry between the two teams, as there is between most teams playing any sport anywhere in the world," says Abdel Rahman. "But this rivalry has never killed anyone. The way those people [supposed Port Said fans] attacked us had nothing to do with sports, or team loyalty. Especially because they won, and it was an unprecedented victory for them, and the real fans that were in the stands did actually leave the stadium to go celebrate." "We've had more serious rivalries with teams from other countries," Abdel Rahman's fellow ultra (who was not at the Port Said game) and member of the Ahly club march, Ahmed, chimes in. "But even those rivalries never led to anything as brutal as what happened in Port Said." Yet, similar claims made by others present at the scene and corroborated by officials have not stopped certain detractors. The funeral held by the Ahly sporting club had not even ended when the Muslim Brotherhood issued a statement denouncing the entire ultra movement as "hooligans" responsible for dragging the nation to the brink of the abyss. For the ultras, these accusations only add insult to a fresh and critical injury, while simultaneously channeling a current of public anger in a potentially explosive direction. "We hear this all the time - 'the ultras are vandals,' 'the ultras are criminals and thugs,'" Ahmed says. "People will think what they want to think, but this incident has shown that there are more people who know what we truly are than those who think we're outlaws or sociopaths." For others, though, it comes down to a much simpler solution: "If people want to call us thugs," Abdel Rahman says grimly, "we'll give them thugs." Conversely, and as noted by Ahmed and evidenced by the staggering turnout at the Ahly club and various other beacons of support throughout the capital, the tragedy at Port Said has led to an outpouring of support for the institution and its fans; so much so that in writing an article about ultras, it became difficult to distinguish between genuine members, and those only claiming to be. Mohamed Awad and Hatem Madkour - 27, 35, and both attending the Ahly march in black mourning attire - described at length "what it means" to be an ultra, before admitting that they were only soccer fans who "really love Ahly and its ultras." Awad and Madkour were not the only self-appointed ultras in the crowd, which also included ultras from rival clubs, as well as people with no interest in soccer to speak of. "This isn't about soccer, or sports, or Port Said or Cairo," declares Sherif Tammam, moving with the crowd toward Qasr al-Nil Bridge and, beyond it, Tahrir Square, already overflowing with like-minded protesters. "This is about something much bigger than that." Despite his loyalties to Zamalek - traditionally Ahly's arch-nemesis - Ramy Tabrizi walks through the crowd carrying flags belonging to both clubs. "We're all Egyptian," is his reason. "We're all being lied to, again." "What happened in Port Said was the Interior Ministry's revenge for the revolution that brought them to their knees," Tabrizi states. "It's revenge for us refusing to let them keep us down, and refusing to give up on the revolution. This is their new role now, to carry out their revenge." It seems the revolution has given new roles to everyone - be it "politician," "victim," "thug," "protester" or any of several others. The definitive characteristics of each are not set in stone, instead depending on personal perspectives, and pockets of popular opinion. As the Ahly club protesters marched onwards to what would be another 36 hours of violence, chants of "ultras are not thugs" broke out, along with a sub-chorus of promises and threats to the nation's police and ruling military forces. "It's all going to burn tonight," one teenager was heard gleefully predicting to a friend. Essentially a leaderless movement in a leaderless revolution, the ultras seem to have less control than most over how they're perceived by a public drunk on patriotism, paranoia, and the endless confusion that lies in between. |
46 | 2012-02-07 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/salafi-preacher-port-said-victims-are-not-martyrs | Fans killed during violence at a football match last Wednesday are not martyrs according to Islam, a Salafi preacher said Monday, according to the London-based paper Asharq Al-Awsat. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Abdel Moneim al-Shahat, a spokesperson for the ultra-conservative Salafi movement, said during a Salafi conference in Alexandria that the victims had died for football, an outlandish game imported from the West and prohibited by religion. At least 74 people were killed at Port Said Stadium Wednesday when supporters of the local Masry team stormed the pitch to attack fans of the visiting Ahly team. Many activists, hardcore football fans known as ultras and media outlets have since referred to the victims as martyrs. Shahat said Islam only permits three sports: swimming, archery and horse riding. He said those who went to a football match cannot be martyrs because they were going for entertainment that distracts people from worshiping God. Football players receive gigantic salaries compared to many scholars, who cannot afford daily subsistence, Shahat said. He said money spent on football would be better spent on quizzes for memorizing the Quran. Shahat previously stated it was necessary to cover up ancient Egyptian statues, stirring up resentment in Egypt's tourism industry. |
47 | 2012-02-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/copts-differ-about-planned-campaign-civil-disobedience | Coptic organizations disagree about whether to participate in the civil disobedience campaign planned for 11 February to pressure authorities to fulfill the revolution's demands. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); On Wednesday, the Maspero Youth Union announced it would participate in civil disobedience, which activists say would include strikes. The Orthodox Church rejects the calls, while the Catholic Church remains neutral. The April 6 Youth Movement and the Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei last week called for acts of civil disobedience, starting with a partial strike, on the anniversary of Hosni Mubarak's resignation in a bid to force the ruling military council out of power. "We will participate in the disobedience, as the demands of the revolution will not be achieved unless the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces leaves, power is immediately transferred and a president is elected in the absence of SCAF as the country's ruling power," said Hany Ramses, a member of the Maspero Youth Union's Executive Office. Ramses said former regime icons must be brought to justice for the revolution's demands to be achieved. Union leader Andrews Aweidah demanded an "internal restructuring of official media outlets, which instigated [the public] against the ultras youth," in reference to football fans attacked during violence that broke out at a match in Port Said last week. The violence left over 40 dead. Aweidah also demanded the "dismissal of the attorney general, the judicial mediator of the former regime, and the formation of a revolutionary court to quickly conclude the trials of the icons of corruption." When asked his opinion on calls for civil disobedience, Bishop Marcos of the Holy Diocese of Shubra al-Kheima expressed his disapproval. He said people must work to improve the country's economy and should not disrupt hospitals and public services. Catholic Church spokesperson Father Rafik Greish said the church "won't prevent or push the youth to participate in the disobedience; they are free [to do what they like]." Refaat Fekry, pastor of the Anglican Church, said he personally supports the idea of protests and strikes, "as the revolution's demands have not been achieved" even though a year has elapsed since former President Hosni Mubarak's ouster. He said SCAF and the People's Assembly "are not responding to the revolutionaries' demands." Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
48 | 2012-02-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/scaf-radicalizes-mob | The mere result of the constant clashes between protesters and the remnants of Mubarak's regime in the Ministry of Interior is radicalizing the Egyptian public. The irresponsible reaction of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, the head of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, who urged Egyptians to fight those who caused the massacre in Port Said, reflects this reality. Aside from the massacre, pushing Egypt toward fragility and disorder appears to be a deliberate and planned tendency. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Since they took power after the disposal of Hosni Mubarak, the junta sought to diffuse the revolutionary mood among ordinary Egyptians and turn them against revolutionary forces. To achieve this goal, they adopted a shrewd policy based on dismantling the revolutionary bloc. It started first by fueling the political disputes and schism among political forces through the proposal of "supra-constitutional principles," which put Islamists in the face of liberal and secular forces. Second, it waged a relentless and ugly media campaign against activists to discredit them, such as the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, etc. Third, it raided and attacked human rights organizations and NGOs that supported the revolution and sought to sue the military for its awful mistakes during the transition. And now it seeks to smear the ultras, the football fans, and punish them for their courageous role during the revolution. However, what the junta does not realize is that the ultras and young activists are aware of such useless policy. Hence, they insist to continue the revolution despite its high cost. Nevertheless, the utter failure of the junta in achieving any of the previous goals pushed it to use the last card left, namely to radicalize the mob to justify their abortion of the revolution. The apathetic response of Tantawi to the Port Said massacre signals to this. Instead of sacking the government or dismissing the interior minister, Tantawi appeared unconcerned and played down the consequences of the massacre. Ironically, he blamed people for not fighting each other. By not acting responsibly, SCAF is pushing the mob into a corner. It drives them crazy by maintaining the state of frustration and disenchantment among protesters. The consequences, however, of such policy will backfire against the junta and undermine its power for many reasons. First, the main bulk of the current wave of protesting, particularly the ultras fans, belongs to the lower-middle and lower income groups. They have already paid a huge price before and after the revolution. Hence, they are now fighting not only to build a real democracy but, more importantly, to avert any attempt to revive Mubarak's regime and reproduce its structures. Second, if the mob decided to turn against the military, no one will be able to stop them. The experience of the daily clashes between the mob and security forces enhanced their ability to withstand for days, if not weeks, in the face of security repression. They adopted an "exhaustion warfare" strategy in dealing with security forces and have devolved the skills to manipulate them. It was the strategy that led to the startling collapse of the security forces in the inception of the revolution on 28 January last year. Additionally, if the junta disavowed the current crisis and did not take real and quick decisions to absorb the mob's rage, they will become the next target. Hence, the epicenter of protesting will move from the Ministry of Interior to the Ministry of Defense, which no one wants to happen. Over the past few months, protesters have already attempted to demonstrate in front of the Ministry of Defense; however, with the continuing impasse, it is likely to happen again and much more forcefully. Radicalizing the mob already started during the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes last November, when hundreds of peaceful protesters were shot dead, lost their eyes or brutally wounded. SCAF's provocation reached a tipping point after attacking the sit-in at the cabinet building last December, when military forces blatantly beat and dragged protesters. This radicalization could lead at some point to a militarization of the revolution, which will put the country on verge of a complete chaos. Those who are protesting against the rotten Ministry of Interior insist on bringing it down, not only because of its brutal and bloody record but mainly because of its role in subverting the revolution and working in favor of Mubarak's regime. It is exemplifying the core of the old system, which needs to be fundamentally purged. More importantly, the mob has lost confidence in the newly elected Parliament to take revolutionary action against SCAF. Parliament, however - the only legitimate institution in Egypt - seems powerless and useless. Up until now, it has neither dared to confront SCAF, holding it accountable for the Port Said massacre, nor was it able to put an end to the mounting clashes in downtown Cairo between protesters and security forces. Parliament's response was shameful and disappointing to many Egyptians who felt betrayed by their MPs. Clearly, the mob lost faith and trust in the state's institutions, e.g. judiciary, the government and Parliament. They no longer believe that such institutions have the will or power to uphold justice; this skepticism could push the country to the edge of complete failure and disorder. Khalil al-Anani is a scholar of Middle East politics at Durham University's Middle East Institute. |
49 | 2012-02-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/new-kind-documentary | Nearly a year since Hosni Mubarak's resignation, the phrase "18 Days in Egypt" has become very familiar, with some variation of it serving as the title of maybe a dozen small documentary film projects. But "18 Days in Egypt," googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); despite its common name, is something different: an innovative social media platform which sets out to provide a flexible means of collecting and cataloguing ongoing documentation of revolutionary protest in Egypt. The generic name points to the generic beginnings of what has become a rather unique venture. On 11 February 2011, software developer Yasmin Elayat and video journalist Jigar Mehta decided to put together a "crowd-sourced documentary film" which would harness the myriad media produced over the course of the 18 days to tell the story of the 25 January revolution. Over months of development, what started as a film eventually became a web platform that could prove to be an essential tool for archiving, as well as diffusing, media across the internet. Mehta and Elayat teamed with Emerge Technologies, an Egypt-based software development company, and the platform that developed became something with many more potential applications than simply providing a repository for documentation of the 18 days, or even of the revolution more generally. The site acts ideally as a place where users can link together tweets, images, videos and Facebook posts stemming from a common event or theme, and tagging them by location and date so that they begin to coalesce into a story. The program they developed, which they eventually named GroupStre.am, is meant to provide some logic and organization to the otherwise untamable internet, but it is also meant to facilitate the telling of stories. As anyone who follows Twitter closely knows, there are times when its fast-moving commentary can be nothing short of riveting - particularly from the volatile place that is Egypt today. Elayat hopes that the GroupStre.am technology will bring out the storyteller within the tweeting citizen (or professional) journalist, so that all of that raw material can be reconstructed into the real-time narrative that it is. Groupstre.am is still a work in progress, but for "18 Days in Egypt" the GroupStre.am technology is applied specifically to content related to Egypt and the ongoing revolution. The platform is tailored to recording and reacting to events here. It launched officially in public beta on 19 January, and is now busily absorbing material. The platform is simple, and the method of creating media collections (called "streams") is straightforward. Users can log in through a service they already use, like Google or Facebook. Information is organized by date and place, and once these are specified, users are free to add in photographs from Flickr, videos from YouTube, tweets and Facebook updates; add a title, description and new panels of textual annotation; and begin to assemble a stream. They can invite Facebook friends, Google contacts and Twitter followers to join in the stream and add their own media. The program is targeted at those most active on social networking platforms, who are producing a wide range of media and might be looking for a place to bring it all together. "Our target users are all of us ... in Egypt who are already posting and sharing about these historical events that we are living through and experiencing together via Facebook, Twitter or whatever other media or service we prefer," says Elayat. The timing of the 19 January launch a few days before the anniversary of the start of the revolution was, of course, not a coincidence. "We wanted to launch by the one year anniversary because we believe people will be more reflective at this point in time than any other this past year," Elayat says. But amid ongoing unrest, the media that has accumulated on the platform so far has been centered as much on reporting current events as on reflection. Recent streams include collections of media pertaining to the marches and violence in response to the violence at a football match in Port Said on 2 February, and commentary about the ultras, as the cadres of devoted football fans are known. This responsiveness speaks to the platform's ability to contribute to the compendium of internet news peddlers by facilitating citizen journalism, providing a counter-narrative to mainstream and state-funded media, and simply compiling material relevant to current events that can be difficult to uncover in a Google search. "I think any independent media distribution or content platform will help activists in Egypt. The main struggle has been about the message and who controls it," says Elayat. But of course, it takes time for dreams to become reality. As it exists now, the streams on "18 Days in Egypt" are a bit clunky to navigate, static to view, and composed mostly of images and text, and occasionally tweets. Investigating the site shows that it takes a little more attention and time to assemble a dynamic and informative collection of media than simply tagging a few YouTube videos and adding a couple of comments. The streams sometimes come across as glorified slideshow presentations. But the "18 Days in Egypt" team is busy ironing out the kinks (including the fact that at the moment, the site is not searchable) and expanding the platform's capabilities. Elayat adds, "The most obvious next features we're working on are the different ways to sort through the explore page, allowing you to filter and search. But we have a lot of other features we are building, and we want to work closely with the community to understand what features are missing or what they would prefer to see next." Though the "18 Days in Egypt" slideshows might not be the most dynamic mode of experiencing media, they are well-organized, and the small base of current users has been conscientiously assembling material covering current events, creating a comprehensible, if not comprehensive, archive. If "18 Days in Egypt" catches on, comprehensiveness will surely come. And Elayat is optimistic: "We believe '18 Days in Egypt' will naturally spread virally ... when there is a need to document some huge events and share it with others." And if recent days, weeks and months in Egypt are any indication of the future, there is likely to be no shortage of huge events - or people seeking to document them - any time soon. |
50 | 2012-02-10 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/besiege-new-parliament-demands | The People's Assembly's performance has thus far been frustrating to revolutionaries. Even those who had been calling for power to be handed to the elected Parliament are now reconsidering the proposal. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As evident from the Brotherhood and Salafi MPs' stances in the parliamentary sessions held so far, it could be argued that the Islamist bloc is keen on maintaining the status quo, staling the revolutionary path, and sometimes even adamant about siding with the counter-revolution, represented by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the interior minister and the security apparatus. We should thus ask why those MPs who were elected by the people have turned against the revolution. And my basic answer is that they were opposed to the revolution in the first place. This answer is correct, yet deficient, because not all of those opposed to the revolution are the same. Those who are blocking the revolutionary path driven by a conservative-reformist ideology - like the Muslim Brotherhood - are different from those whose opposition to the revolution comes from a populist-rightist stance, like the majority of Salafis in Parliament. The Brotherhood and Salafis' hostility toward the recent protests around the Interior Ministry would not have been as open as it was had they not been confident about the people's support - or at least apathy - on the issue. This is the sad truth that everyone in touch with the people knows. Egyptians are generally unsympathetic toward the protesters in Tahrir Square, particularly those who intermittently approach the Interior Ministry and clash with security forces there. Even though the Ultras Ahlawy - Egypt's largest group of hardcore football supporters - received deep sympathy in the aftermath of the Port Said Stadium violence that left more than 70 dead and thousands injured, and many believe the now-dissolved National Democratic Party colluded with state security to perpetrate that massacre, this sympathy has since dwindled, due to protesters' clashes with security forces outside the Interior Ministry, and in Alexandria and Suez. Radical policies Those who do not believe in the role of the masses in bringing about change invariably lose faith quickly when they sense a decline in their support from the people. This attitude eventually leads to an adoption of radical policies that aim to rush change regardless of public support, particularly from the poorer segments of the society. Even though any radicalization of the protest movement - in this case in the form of clashing with state security - may be hailed as heroic, such radical moves not constitute a solution that can introduce extensive change. An honest and heroic minority that is willing to sacrifice their lives to defy the brutality of state security cannot introduce real change; this requires wide-scale popular participation. To say that the poorly performing MPs are a handful of traitors who could be easily brought down or ignored is an overly simplistic assumption. The Parliament has the support of the public and the positions it takes are accepted by a majority of Egyptians, who have their own reasons for not sympathizing with the revolutionaries in Tahrir. It is not helpful to claim that the current People's Assembly is a copy of the former legislature under Mubarak's National Democratic Party. The difference is broad: The former has the support of the people while the latter did not. Besiege the Parliament! Revolutionaries who believe in a bottom-up approach to change should trust that people learn from their experiences. If the people are following the Brotherhood and Salafis today, unsympathetic to revolutionaries, this can and will change if revolutionaries prove worthy of their support. But it's important to note that the Brotherhood members are different from Salafis. The Muslim Brotherhood, like any other reformist power, is affected by changes in the public mood and partially responds to them, not out of a desire to fulfill public demands but to nurture its own popularity. Salafis, meanwhile, are a far more ideologically dogmatic group, and thus less responsive to public opinion. Therefore, any efforts intended to break the Islamist hegemony over public awareness should focus on the Brotherhood, not only because they have more popularity, but also because they claim to adhere to an Islamic agenda concerned primarily with people's day-to-day concerns. As such, they are more vulnerable to being held accountable for policies that affect people's livelihoods. Winning over Brotherhood supporters is possible if a demands-based movement is formed and puts the Parliament to the test. The Parliament will have to either adopt the people's demands, responding to them at least in part, or face off with a vast popular movement that will fast reveal the group's inadequacies. This was not the case when the clashes erupted at the Interior Ministry last week - public opinion was not sympathetic to the revolutionaries, which made it easy for the Brotherhood to get away with its anti-revolutionary position in Parliament. There are several other issues that could put the Brotherhood in jeopardy, such as the economic and social demands that are likely to explode over the coming weeks if the SCAF continues to mismanage the transitional period. That said, if the revolutionaries decide not to hold the Parliament accountable under the illusion that they can bring it down, this will be good news for the parliamentary majority, since it would give them a ready excuse to comfortably shunt responsibility for economic and social crises while retaining their seats. Furthermore, swamping the Parliament with demands will loosen the SCAF's grip on public affairs and force the Brotherhood to enter into confrontations with the country's military leaders. These confrontations will enable the growth of the role of the people and lend momentum to the bottom-up approach to change. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm by Dina Zafer |
51 | 2012-02-12 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/fact-finding-panel-blames-security-port-said-massacre | A Parliament-appointed fact-finding panel has blamed Port Said stadium officials and security authorities for violence at a football match on 1 February that left at least 74 football fans dead and hundreds injured, a panel source told Al-Masry Al-Youm. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egypt's lower house of Parliament, the People's Assembly, will discuss the panel's findings today, Sunday. A Premier League match between Port Said's Masry and Cairo's Ahly teams had a bloody ending when Masry fans swarmed the pitch and supporters of the visiting team were attacked. The Interior Ministry has received the largest share of blame after a number of videos and eyewitness accounts proved that security forces stood idle during the violence. Many activists and MPs called for the removal of Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim following the incident. The panel's report accused Port Said security of delinquency and negligence and said injuries among police personnel did not exceed 10, which, it argued, proves security did not respond to the attacks, according to the source. The panel has concluded that stadium officials became partners in the crime by switching off the stadium's lights, playing loud music through speakers to cover up the massacre, and closing exits, the source said. It said the Egyptian Football Association, whose board was dismissed after the violence, was also responsible, being the organizer of the competitions and having the authority to cancel the game for security reasons. The source told Al-Masry Al-Youm that a recommendation might be made to forbid Masry from playing in Port Said for two years. The source also said a mixture of Masry supporters and outlaws attacked the Ahly fans and that some members of hardcore groups of football fans, known as ultras, planned the attack in advance. But the panel report says that only blaming thugs for the violence is dangerous, the source added. It demanded that prosecutors investigate former members of the Hosni Mubarak regime, whom some suspect plotted the violence. On Thursday, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud imposed a travel ban on three officials from the now-dissolved National Democratic Party as part of the investigations. The report also calls for confronting the violent mentality that it says dominates ultras groups. In the past year, ultras have proved to be politically engaged. They have played a crucial role in anti-regime protests during and since the 25 January uprising. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
52 | 2012-02-12 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-demand-interior-ministry-purge | Hardcore supporters of the Ahly football team, the Ultras Ahlawy, on Sunday accused the police of collusion in the Port Said football violence on 1 February, which claimed the lives of at least 70 football fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Ultras Ahlawy demanded a purging of the Interior Ministry and retribution for the martyrs. The statement also urged peaceful protests on Wednesday outside the attorney general's office, according to a statement issued on the group's official Facebook page. "The noblest youth lost their lives because they demanded their legitimate rights. This wounded the dignity of every tyrant," the statement said. The Ultras Ahlawy described the violence as "more terrible than some war crimes being investigated by the International Court of Justice." The statement also called for cleansing and restructuring the Interior Ministry, as "most of the ministry's leaders remained in office after the fall of the regime's head and many of them received promotions becoming entirely responsible for the ministry." "They did not hesitate to take revenge against members of the group who confronted them to demand their rights," the statement said. |
53 | 2012-02-13 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/mondays-papers-fjp-calls-strike-failure-undecided-coalition-government | The parliamentary fact-finding committee's findings on the Port Said Stadium tragedy dominate today's front pages, Al-Ahram leading with the headline, "Four state bodies are behind the massacre." googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The four bodies deemed guilty, according to Al-Ahram, are the police forces, El-Masry football club, The Football Association, and the stadium itself. But Freedom and Justice, the Muslim Brotherhood party's daily mouthpiece, says the committee places responsibility on seven actors. They say politicians who are yet-to-be determined, the police forces, The Football Association, El-Masry football club, the stadium, ultras and other fans, and the sports media are those to blame. In other news, the Muslim Brotherhood says it has not yet decided on the issue of a coalition government to take over for the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces before the scheduled power handover in June. Brotherhood member Khairat al-Shater said during an interview last week that the group is prepared to form such a government. The Brotherhood called this a "test balloon" designed to see how SCAF would respond to the idea, according to Al-Ahram. Unsurprisingly, they say the council has responded negatively. The Al-Ahram article suggests the idea of a coalition government is limited to an internal discussion within the Brotherhood. Yet on the very next page, the paper has a story about the group's open withdrawal of political support for the incumbent government, led by Kamal al-Ganzouri. Here, it says that the Freedom and Justice Party has "suddenly" retracted its support for the Ganzouri government and outlined its vision of a coalition government to rule for the remainder of the transitional period. On its third page, the state daily also provides the perspective of US media on the current, precarious state of US-Egyptian relations. It reports that US media expect more foreigners in Egypt to be arrested in the coming period. Al-Ahram says according to the US media the arrest of a US citizen in the Delta city of Mahalla together with that of an Australian journalist and an Egyptian citizen on charges of paying Egyptians to engage in civil disobedience took place only a few hours after a meeting between high-level US and Egyptian military officials. The arrest also came soon after Senator John McCain announced that the diplomatic crisis would be solved in a few days. FJP carries a suggestion by religious leaders to extricate Egypt from the current foreign funding drama on its front page. The Federation of Mosque Imams and Al-Azhar Preachers called for the creation of a donation fund, made up of citizens' contributions, to replace US aid. FJP continues to gloat about the poor response to calls for civil disobedience on Saturday with one headline reading, "The strike is dying." The story describes the decision of workers at one company to postpone an internal strike until Sunday to avoid appearances that the factory was taking part in the general civil disobedience movement . On page 11, FJP dedicates an entire page to the subject of how "Egyptians rejected civil disobedience." Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party |
55 | 2012-02-16 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/parliament-review-facts-and-follies | Continuing to showcase an outright disregard for all things orderly and restrained, parliamentary sessions plowed through the week, with members attempting to juggle the nation's top issues, and essentially fumbling every single one of them. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); This week Parliament convened twice on Sunday and Monday, while the third session was cancelled due to the Shura Council elections. Looming largest on the week's agenda was the presentation of a preliminary report by a parliamentary fact-finding committee assigned with investigating the Port Said incident on 1 February, when fans of the local Masry team stormed the pitch in an assault against visiting Ahly supporters that left 73 dead. The findings of the report, presented during Sunday's session by head of the fact-finding committee Ashraf Thabet, were met with overwhelming criticism and complaints from the floor, provoking cries of objection from the attending MPs, particularly during the reading of a section regarding ultras, or soccer enthusiasts/hooligans. Besides hinting at the Ultra's contribution to the violence, Thabet began his presentation by stating that the incident was an indirect result of "the culture and aggressive behavior of ultras, which the state and society has allowed to grow rampant." More concrete blame was assigned to the state, as well as the soccer federation, for failing to enforce comprehensive security measures, especially in such ominous conditions. As Thabet pointed out in his presentation, the two teams have a history of violent rivalry between themselves, and other soccer clubs. "For a period of time before this game, there were serious threats from both sides exchanged over the internet." "All of this," Thabet lamented, "should have been taken into consideration." The lack of security, the report determined, is an even greater crime when compared to an uneventful game between the same two teams in April of last year, held under the watchful eye of the armed forces, who failed to provide any security for this most recent, tragic encounter. The report also found fault with the stadium conditions, with Thabet pointing out that the eastern gates had indeed been welded shut, and that the fences separating the bleachers from the pitch, were "very low, and easily surmountable." Thabet also described the railings on the uppermost stands of the bleachers as being "low enough to easily throw someone over." Regarding the actual attack on Ahly's supporters, the fact-finding committee determined that, as had been initially reported, the stadium's lights were turned off as the violence broke out, while the rushing crowds from Masry's stands were armed with clubs, machetes, mace, daggers and flashlights, or, according to Thabet, "glowsticks." "There were two types of attackers in this incident," Thabet stated. "Thugs and ultras -each played a critical role." Thabet insisted that, according to the committee's investigations, the Port Said incident was at least partially fueled by rivalries between the ultras. "We heard accounts of Masry ultras seeking out Ahly ultras by name," said Thabet. During Monday's session, MPs reacted to the report, with 148 members requesting to comment on/shout about the findings announced on the previous day. Wafd MP Mahmoud al-Sakka took to the floor to announce that he had "unraveled the secret of the preliminary report," which was that the members of the fact-finding committee had "sat in their hotel, waiting for claims and accounts to come to them from individuals interested in clearing their own names." "We will never forget how the green pitch of Port Said turned red with blood," Sakka bellowed, adding that the only fact that needs to be found is the one that determines where responsibility lies. "The time has come to reveal the third hand," Sakka concluded. Free Egyptians MP Mohamed Abou Hamed followed, attempting, as many MPs had before him, to clear the ultras of any wrongdoing. Abou Hamed ran afoul of Parliament Speaker Saad al-Katatny, however, when he announced an upcoming march organized by Ahly Ultras, prompting the head of Parliament to shout, "What are you, their sponsor? Are you the official spokesperson for marches now?" which itself triggered a delayed reaction of laughter and jeers from the attending MPs, and lots of stammering from Abou Hamed. Things continued to go downhill for Abou Hamed, whose excuses were interrupted by a sudden interrogation launched by Katatny into a statement the former had made to Al-Ahram, claiming that the legitimacy of the street outweighed that of Parliament. Abou Hamed floundered for a few excruciating minutes against a backdrop of shouts from MPs cheering on Katatny's remarks, before gathering his thoughts enough to offer an explanation: "I said that the legitimacy of people is above all and that the people are the source of authority, and any authority enjoyed by Parliament is an extension from that of the people, and it is only temporary, whereas that of the people is the original." His words were met with minimal applause and advice from Katatny: "If Al-Ahram has maliciously misrepresented you, I suggest you write them a letter of complaint." Abou Hamed was later attacked by Nour Party MP Mohamed al-Sughayar who called him "a coward, who lacks the courage to stand by the words Al-Ahram attributes to him." This sparked several more minutes of shouting. Later on, Katatny decided to hear from FJP MP Mohamed Idris of the Arab Affairs Committee, whose report on the current situation within Palestinian territories was described by Katatny as "a welcome break from the session." Among other things, the report read by Idris called for a conference between all Palestinian factions to be held in Cairo on 18 February, as an indication of "the Parliament and the Egyptian people's unwavering commitment to the Palestinian cause." As the session resumed, MPs took to the floor to make a variety of comments, accusations and suggestions, from claims of clear evidence of a terror plot, to demands that Ahly's players be allowed to testify. "[Ahly play maker] Abou Treika especially has publicly stated that he has information that can prove pivotal to the investigation," MP Wahid Abdel Meguid urged. "But nobody wants to listen to him!" At the end of the two-hour session, Katatny read a breakdown of the comments heard, announcing that, of the speakers, four had been members of the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, three from the Nour party, two from Wafd and two independents, with remaining parties having enjoyed one opportunity to address Parliament, if even that. It is worth noting that Katatny began the session by stating his efforts in "listening to a variety of speakers, not just from specific parties." Ultimately, MPs largely seemed to concur that the preliminary report's findings were vague and inconclusive, prompting Thabet to reiterate that it was only a preliminary report, and that it did not depict the ultras as thugs - a major point of contention among those present. On Tuesday, a parliamentary committee heard the testimony of Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim, who assured MPs that a ministerial committee is reviewing the laws regulating the work of the police. He added that police are only working at 60 percent capacity since the 25 January revolution erupted. Other issues were discussed in Parliament this week, albeit overshadowed by the fact-finding committee's report, and the objections and accusations it provoked. On Sunday, MPs voted to refer the bread and wheat crisis to Parliament's economic committee, an issue which many present described as "a matter of national security." Minister of Supply and Social Affairs Gouda Abdel Khaleq told MPs during the bread crisis discussion that the previous regime has left us with a legacy of carcinogenic wheat. Abdel Khaleq said that Egypt's food security is at stake as subsidized bread contains 60 percent imported wheat. "We need Parliament to help us fix this problem, and we can also cooperate with Sudan," he said. Issues regarding national health were also discussed in Parliament this week, with FJP MP Akram al-Shaer, head of the health committee, claiming during Monday's session that "44,000 Egyptian citizens," - or, two percent of the total number of patients in Egypt - "require renal dialysis." This comes after Parliament issued a controversial law earlier in the month regulating transplant operations. The law was introduced under the supposed intention of curbing a thriving illegal trade in human organs. Shaer also called for the creation of a supreme health council to improve medical services for citizens. Beside plenary sessions, specialized committees met throughout the week to discuss a number of national issues. On Wednesday, one of the committees met with the Illicit Gains Authority, headed by Assem al-Gohary, to discuss a draft law that would allow government officials to be tried in court. |
56 | 2012-02-21 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/vicious-campaign-against-our-mp-says-social-democratic-party | The Social Democratic Party on Tuesday said that there is an "unjust and vicious campaign" against its member, MP Ziad Elelaimy, who was referred to the People's Assembly's Ethics Committee for investigation. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In a statement Tuesday, the party said Elelaimy was referred to investigation although he said he would apologize for a comment that some MPs found offensive. The statement also warned of adopting the methods of the former regime in persecuting the opposition. State-run Al-Ahram newspaper quoted a parliamentary source as saying that the Ethics Committee would start investigating Elelaimy on Wednesday for insulting Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi and Salafi preacher Mohamed Hassan, after receiving a letter from the military council saying it would not take legal action against the MP and would see what steps Parliament takes on the issue. Supporters of the ruling military council staged protests on Tuesday, condemning Elelaimy. Meanwhile, dozens of Ultras, hardcore football fans, staged a demonstration outside the People's Assembly to protest referring Elelaimy to the Ethics Committee. Dostor news website reported that protesters chanted slogans calling for the SCAF to hand over power to civilians. At a public rally in Port Said on Friday, Elelaimy used a famous Egyptian proverb: "He couldn't beat the donkey so he beat the saddle," meaning that if the main source of a problem cannot be confronted, others will be found to take the blame. Elelaimy said, "Tantawi is the donkey," implying his responsibility for the deaths of Egyptians in clashes and protests over the last few weeks. |
57 | 2012-02-22 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/students-are-back | Grief runs deep for Hassan Osama, a student and member of a group that calls itself Ultras Revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "I've had four friends die, there's a fire inside [me] and all I can say is down with military rule." Osama marched with 1,500 students from various universities on Tuesday to Parliament, with demands that evoke many similar marches and protests over the past year: down with military rule and justice for those who have been killed, most recently in the violence at Port Said Stadium earlier this month and the downtown Cairo clashes that followed it. There is a song that protesters sing to commemorate the tragic events of the Ahly-Masry game that left 74 dead, many of them teenage fans: "I wore a red T-shirt and went to Port Said. I came back in a white shroud and in my country became a Shahid (Martyr)." With the momentum of protests having petered out recently, and the growing feeling that the revolution is caught between the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the Islamist-dominated Parliament, some are pinning their hopes on the student movement to keep the revolutionary spirit afloat. The student mobilization follows years of state-led suppression of any political activities on campus. What little political life universities have engaged in, such as student unions, has typically been dominated by Islamists. Osama has little love for the Islamist majority in Parliament; he was detained on a previous march to the People's Assembly that was halted by Brotherhood youth members. The reinvigorated student movement has come under the spotlight in the wake of calls for a general strike on 11 February to commemorate Hosni Mubarak's resignation on the same day last year. The strike was mainly observed on campuses, where students boycotted lectures. As the students from Cairo, Ain Shams and other universities marched through the city, chants about their new ambitions rang out, "Let them hear the voice of the students," and "One student movement." Some students at the march said they felt they were shouldering responsibility for seeing the revolution through. "This is now a corrective revolution because the demands of the revolution have not yet been met," said Ain Shams University law student Mahmoud Ibrahim. Ibrahim said various student movements are trying to coordinate with labor movements, the last bastions of resistance against the SCAF, he believes. "We will be the ones to bury them, not them us," he said, referring to military rulers. Cairo University student activist Osama Ahmed believes student movements can coalesce into an effective grassroots organization. "Our first role is to organize into popular committees and build a grassroots base that will talk openly about the revolution and keep its momentum going," said Ahmed, who was one of the march organizers. There must be greater coordination between student movements and labor movements, he added, to create "popular legitimacy. This will happen over a long period of time but we aim to create a seed for popular authority and legitimacy." Yet this burgeoning student movement is still nascent and is faced with resuscitating itself after decades of stagnation and security clampdowns under Mubarak's regime. And while student activism has grown since the outbreak of the revolution, it is still far from the levels seen during its heyday in the 1970s, according to activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah. "It was stronger in our parents' time; it was all the opposition we had along with the labor movement," he said. "It was strongest in 1972 and 1977, and this led to the regime ensuring [student movements] never threatened them in such a way again." In 1972, students from across the country led a nationwide uprising demanding then-President Anwar Sadat fulfill his promise to reclaim Sinai, which had been taken from Israel following the 1967 war. Sadat had promised Egypt would launch a military campaign in 1971, but later gave various reasons in a 1972 speech why it was not the right time. Now the movement is much weaker, Abd El-Fattah said, but the revolution has served as both motivator and as a catalyst for changes that now allow students the freedom to organize. "It's a good start and the student movement is definitely stronger than during my time in the 1990s," he said, but more importantly this time around the movement "is more comprehensive, it is not split into ideological factions like in the past, where you had groups like the Islamists and Nasserists." The Tuesday march reached the Parliament building to be met with an iron gate on wheels and scores of Central Security Forces. Chants rang out in support of MP Zyad Elelaimy, who recently landed himself in hot water by likening SCAF head Hussein Tantawi to a donkey. "What did Zyad do? Did he say the truth or what?" they chanted. Yet the activists' attitude toward Parliament was different than toward military rulers, whom most protesters hold responsible for the deaths of their compatriots over the past year. For the MPs, they were sending a warning, exemplified by the yellow cards they were holding. |
58 | 2012-02-25 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/threads-narrating-arab-spring | Many of us have spoken and thought of those we wished were present to witness - and perhaps participate in - the Arab revolutions. People we have known and loved, and people we have known from a distance. A woman stood up at the "Narrating the Arab Spring" conference simply to say she would have loved it if Edward Said were here, to hear and read what he had to say "about what is his revolution also." It was a moving moment - the room broke into applause. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Organized by the English department at Cairo University in collaboration with the Center for the Advanced Study of the Arab World and the Women and Memory Forum, the conference took place between 18 and 20 February at Cairo University. Several threads wove through the dozens of papers given over several parallel sessions, covering a range of issues and questions. Here Egypt Independent brings together a few threads that we thought were particularly pertinent. I. The permission to narrate: Who speaks? The reference to Said brought up some of the questions that hover around narrating the revolution. Because Said is not here, it does not make the revolution any less "his." The contributions "before" the revolution are actually part of it. And for those who are no longer with us, who is to narrate their stories? Who speaks in the name of the martyrs who cannot narrate for themselves? Is speaking in the name of martyrs a real possibility, or a kind of violence? The mention of Said evokes his seminal essay "The Permission to Narrate." Writer Jean Makdisi spoke about the possibility of stealing narratives; positioning herself as both inside and outside, she posed the question of whether only participants can narrate, or if others can add something. The post-Mubarak scene in Egypt is in part characterized by a plethora of voices speaking in the name of the revolution. The sight of regime figures evoking the revolution, or of those who sycophantically apologized for the regime now sycophantically evoking the revolution, is nauseating, and many have said so. It is not simply stealing a narrative, but stealing a revolution. But in the cacophony of voices, what about the voices we do not hear? Few addressed this question. Those who represent the revolution, diverse as they may be ideologically, do not reflect the diversity of those who participated and continue to participate. This is unsurprising, and perhaps inevitable given the differential access not to speaking, but to being heard, in an unequal society. But if we espouse the goals of the revolution, we must do more than note the stealing of narratives and the fact that there are voices we do not hear. II. The flags of the Arab world The picture accompanying the conference was of masses of people, presumably in Tahrir Square. The picture the organizers chose for the cover of the program was different: masses of people at a demonstration holding several Arab flags stitched together. The "Arab" in the conference's title and the pan-Arab gesture of the photo pointed to a desire for analysis and thinking that draws connections between the revolutions, uprisings, repression and resistance that are occurring in several Arab countries. Given the location of the conference, it was perhaps unsurprising that it was heavily Egypt-centric, and the potential for drawing connections across and between Arab countries was lost. There were several papers on social media and the power of the image, but several questions remained unexplored. There is a narrative of the revolution as a revolution for freedom. But what does this mean? Would a continuation of the same neoliberal policies and reforms fulfill a demand for freedom? Where would social justice fit into this? Would a continuation of the same relationship with the US and Israel constitute freedom - who hears those anti-imperialistic slogans chanted in demonstrations since last January? What about an analysis of the power relations "behind the scenes" and models for restructuring the police, the Interior Ministry and security forces, given that a majority of the poor do not live free from police brutality? The title of the conference invited us to narrate or explore narrating the "Arab Spring." Many however were unhappy with such a term. Some were happy to simply note their uneasiness and move on. Others wanted to explain their discomfort. How could what is happening in Syria and Libya be described as "spring"? Makdisi asked. Several pointed to the implications of what came before the spring, the slumber of winter, passivity out of which the revolutions sprung. And given that the upsurge of dissent is not limited to the Arab world, what global connections are cut off by the Arab of the "Arab Spring"? What about links to an international economic crisis? III. A Cairo university desk In the Cairo University lecture hall where I sat, distracted students had doodled and scribbled on the desk. There was a drawing of a flower, a declaration of love, some random words. There is the "UA07" of the Ahly Ultras, "25 January" and "Down with military rule." It was a reminder of many things. It was a reminder of the fact that we are in the midst of a revolution. In Cairo University, where the struggle also takes place, where many students are active participants in that revolution, some have lost their lives. And in the midst of it, what is the place for theory? The question was asked explicitly and implicitly again and again. A sense that urgency somehow stands opposed to the luxury of theory. But is theory luxury or necessity? What kind of theory? What kind of intellectual? An engaged intellectual? What is engaged? Questions that are asked in all kinds of times and places, but that in this time and space have a particular urgency. Participants in the conference struggled with these questions. Some felt almost guilty for theory. For Zeinab Aboul Magd at the American University in Cairo, the solution has for the past few months been to "give up on theory." She recognizes that theory is internalized, that it is not possible to give theory up per se, but feels that what she can offer revolutionaries is information, research, informed analysis, not theorizing. It appears that those working, researching and writing in Cairo are most troubled by the relationship between theorizing and participation, who in physical proximity to the struggle question the relevance of theory. After novelist Radwa Ashour gave a keynote address, a participant asked whether we need distance to be able to theorize and analyze: Is it because we are too close that it is hard? Ashour's answer pointed not to physical but temporal distance. Indeed, several contributions, while interesting, did not move beyond a level of description. Those most explicitly theoretical did not offer new and fruitful avenues of theory to help us understand the current moment, or contribute to taking it forward. For instance, there was a paper about the media's treatment of Lara Logan and Mona El-Tahawy in the wake of the sexual violence they experienced, a paper that very much relied on the body of theory that has made sense of "Western" constructions of "honor killings" and other violence toward women, which often invokes Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's "white men saving brown women from brown men." While this was certainly interesting, it seems that the current moment calls for a different kind of theorizing. Theory that may in a sense be a luxury, but that in the current moment of urgency is all the more necessary. IV. Young working-class man meets wealthier young woman There are several stories that do the rounds on social media, not only from the 18 days, but also from the bloodshed since. Stories about people who are often anonymous. There is the story from the five days of fighting around Mohamed Mahmoud Street in November of a young man saying to a woman that she should stay back, he would die, while she, educated and cultured, would help rebuild the country. This story made the rounds as one of those that point to the determination and willingness to give up anything, even life, in the struggle for freedom. Ashour related it in her opening talk. Several people nodded, smiling. As in most conferences, it is the stories in the breaks, on the way out of sessions, that are often particularly thoughtful. In those moments there were several conversations between people disturbed and frustrated by this story. It is not the story that unsettles so much as its narration. It is not about denying agency to the young man who was willing to be a martyr if necessary, who may now indeed be a martyr - this is his right. But it is its repeated narration by middle-class activists in a way that soothes and allays our worries. One that implicitly suggests a class division of labor in the revolution as okay - "they" can die, "we" will rebuild. That suggests that however loud we call for social justice, we may not have internalized its meaning. The revolution continues to be fought on several fronts. |
60 | 2012-03-01 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/sense-community-foreigners-cairo | After the incident in Mahalla as well as the ongoing NGO crisis, to say nothing of xenophobic acts being reported in day-to-day life, it's easy for Egypt's foreigners to fall into a sort of unease, as we panic about what our roles here might be in a time of great uncertainty. Like many in my community, I don't want to leave Cairo. I think of it as my home both now and in childhood, and the thought of maybe having to leave at some point in the future is gut-wrenching. The culture of rumors is at an all-time high in the midst of the unrest, and all over - in smoky bars and in online forums - the fear of the unknown, the worry of Egypt changing and becoming an unwelcome and indifferent host, at times reaches shrill, near-hysterical levels. It's easy to fall prey to it, and easier still to forget the small but meaningful daily acts that help to constitute a community here. Sometimes, it takes trauma to recognize just how meaningful community can be in Cairo. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The first thing I did the morning after the Port Said tragedy was stock up on food. November's events on Mohamed Mahmoud had come seemingly at random and back then I found myself stranded, with cat, in an apartment in Talaat Harb, anxiously watching Al-Jazeera Mubasher and chain-smoking as I wondered whether or not this new strain of gas was going to saturate my apartment and asphyxiate the one living being that I loved more than myself. This time, I told myself, I wouldn't be such a fool. I bustled about the neighborhood, collecting goods from the twins at the nut shop on Noubar, from my favorite wholesale vendor in the Bab al-Louq souq, fetching cans of beans at the Isis shop. Like me, the rest of the neighborhood was anticipating something. We all knew what was inevitable, we would continue on with our business, albeit briskly, until the time came. I got home, put on a pot of tea, unearthed my 15LE gas mask, sat on my balcony and waited. My neighbors waited too. Downstairs, my neighbor smiled and shrugged as if to say, "Here we go again," and across the street the young boys who live on the building's rooftop pulled out their Ahly banners and waved them as the Ultras' march approached us. My flat is situated just above the famous (or infamous, to some) Macarona Reda and boasts a sizable community of residents and workers. In addition to the restaurant, there are two family-owned and run kiosks, the proprietors of which also live on the rooftop and act as de facto bowabs. The building has always had a family-oriented air about it, its denizens welcoming my parents and siblings graciously when they came to visit me in December. My flat is everything I could dream of, save its water pressure and uneasy proximity to the Interior Ministry, aggressively dominating my beautiful view with an ominous black flag and an unearthly shade of pink. As the front lines made themselves apparent on the night of 2 February, I felt a heavy relief that I was situated on the protesters' side; six months ago, I would have been in a building on Noubar, uneasily watching policemen fire tear gas canisters and retreat. Macarona Reda's co-owner, moonlighting as my landlord, is nothing if not a good businessman, and so on Thursday the restaurant's twofold role became apparent as both building security and supplier of sustenance to young revolutionaries. Every time I had a visitor I would traipse down nine flights of gas-saturated stairs and unlock the heavy iron gate, assuring whoever was on duty as de facto guard that yes, he was my friend and no, he was not taking pictures. The building became its own ecosystem, mirroring the triage efforts happening in the outside world. As I rushed up and down nine flights of stairs to let visitors in from the fray, I'd often run by one of the kiosk owners. We'd wave wordlessly to each other and continue with our duties. It always seems a little misguided to me when people speak of a security vacuum in post-uprising Egypt, for truly, under the Mubarak regime there always seemed a kind of suspicious kindness, as though anyone might smile and offer tea to your face and then rat on you behind your back. True, during my tenure in Cairo I generally feel a stronger sense of immediate community than in any other city, but now more than ever it seems stronger than any semblance of community I had prior to the uprising. On Monday afternoon, feeling a little stir-crazy, I decided to shrug off the consistent bombardment of tear gas and leave Bab al-Louq for a few hours. As I left my building, my favorite employees of Macarona Reda cautioned me to be careful and made sure I'd wrapped my scarf around my face. As I scurried down the street, eyes watering, I ran into my fruit vendor, who yelled to me to be careful. As I reached Midan Falaky, amidst the fray I was greeted with warnings, not to keep out or to go away, but to be careful. One young protester emerged and helpfully sprayed saline solution in my eyes, and I waved my thanks and continued on my merry way. Two blocks north, no longer affected by tear gas, traffic continued as usual, businessmen walked to work, a young guy shouted, "Welcome!" in my ear. I promptly burst into non-gas-induced tears. Two blocks north, I suddenly felt much less safe, as though my community -which had stayed together both in the midst of trauma and outside of it - had evaporated. |
61 | 2012-03-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-offers-egyptians-qatar-taste-home | DOHA - With its three friendly matches scheduled for Cairo last week scuttled by the Interior Ministry after the Port Said disaster, the Egyptian national football team has now gone almost seven months without competing on home soil. For the squad and its legions of supporters, that's far too long. The resulting exile does, however, have at least one set of grateful beneficiaries. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As the starting lineups of Egypt and Congo emerge from the tunnel of Gharafa Stadium in Doha Friday evening for the final of Egypt's three games in Qatar, the east end of the ground erupts. Turnout is sparse - perhaps a thousand in this 22,000-seat venue. But the crowd's numbers belie its enthusiasm. Egyptian flags decorate the stands. Small kids with faces painted red, white and black join in the cries of "Masr!" A group of seven holds aloft placards spelling out "I EGYPT." For the fans - some of Qatar's tens of thousands of Egyptian expatriates - these rare opportunities to glimpse Egypt's sporting heroes offer a welcome taste of home. They've become increasingly frequent as of late. Egypt's last game before this trip, a 2-0 loss to Brazil in November, also took place in Doha, just down the road. "It's great," says Amr Gamea, a 27-year-old IT specialist. "All Egyptians love the country. So they smell the Egyptian air with the team coming over here." Near the midfield stripe, a group of young men leads the crowd in chanting, "Great Egypt team! We have to give her our soul!" If their love for Egypt is unequivocal, their feelings about their adopted country are decidedly mixed. In many ways, it's hard to imagine a place more different from Egypt than Qatar. The pace of life is slow, at times, crawling. The sidewalks in downtown Doha are close to deserted. You can walk for an hour without hearing so much as a beeping car horn. Social life is mostly confined to colossal malls. Only the constant din of construction machinery erecting Doha's latest, sleekest skyscrapers lends the faintest hint of vitality to an otherwise lifeless urban tableau. The quiet life suits many just fine. Ahmed Awad, 28, moved to Doha from Cairo five years ago and now works for the Qatari Football Association. He's seated between two friends with an Egyptian flag that spans the length of them. "Everything is organized," he says. "It's small, but a very nice country." Many echo the sentiment. Amid the continuing upheaval in Egypt, Qatar represents an oasis. Crime is low. The streets are clean. Political unrest is practically nonexistent. Like almost all of Qatar's temporary residents, who comprise three-quarters of its 1.8 million residents and more than 90 percent of the labor force, Egyptians come here for a single reason: to tap into Qatar's booming economy, which boasts the highest GDP per capita in the world. Awad explains that in Qatar, an Egyptian can expect to make anywhere from three to five times his salary back home. Beyond work, though, Qatar holds few attractions for most expats. One cab driver, a Ugandan, puts it bluntly: "We come here to get our money, and that's it." Indeed, the tranquility of Qatari life elides easily into boredom. Asked what there is to do for fun around here, Awad grimaces. "Fun?" he repeats, and then laughs a little. After some thought, he suggests the mall, or perhaps the beach if it's not too cold. "There's no lifestyle here," his friend, Xenia chimes in. She moved from Greece last year to work on the Pan Arab Games and decided to remain because of Greece's own political and economic woes. She hasn't had the easiest time of it so far. As a woman, she says, decent-paying work isn't easy to find. Most importantly, for the Egyptians interviewed, Qatar is not, and will never be, home. All hope to return to Egypt, and sooner rather than later. Even Abdul Latif, a 45-year-old sales manager at Ready Mix who says Qatar is "very, very, very good" wishes to go back to his hometown of Mansoura as soon as possible. "If things in Egypt are good after next 25 January, I will," he says. The expat community remains intimately connected to life back in Egypt - sending back money to family members, paying regular visits and, of course, closely tracking political developments. So it's no surprise that, besides football, politics constitutes the primary talking point. Nor does it come as a great shock when 15 or so young men, identified by witnesses in the crowd as members of Ultras Ahlawy, begin to chant against the Egyptian military and police from behind the Congolese goal before being whisked away by security. Predictably, the fans in attendance express a range of reactions. Mohamed Abdelkader calls the protesters "bad guys" and condemns the outburst of political theater. "People come [to Qatar] to work," he says. "There's no need to make problems." His friend, Mahmoud Mohamed, adds that the continuing demonstrations back in Egypt only destabilize an already precarious situation. Mohamed Rostom, new to Qatar after five years in Dubai, takes a different view. Of the military, he says, "Sometimes they do good, sometimes bad," but he identifies with the demonstrators. "If they were allowed to chant, I would join them." The temporary distraction, however, is quickly forgotten by just about all, who promptly divert their attention back to the match. They try to rally Egypt to a third and final victory to close out the tour, but to no avail. The game ends in a nil-nil draw. It's no matter. The crowd leaves in as high of spirits as it arrived. Back at the team's hotel, young fans stream into the lobby, hoping to get a picture with their favorite players. No one goes home empty-handed. Two thousand kilometers might separate the expat community from home, but if anything, distance has only deepened the sense of attachment to Egypt and those who represent it. Even among those here for years, there is no question where their loyalties lie. "There is one team for all Egyptians," says Mohamed Zein, a 25-year-old advertising administrator, who has lived in Qatar for the last four years. "This is the team for our country." |
63 | 2012-03-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/group-condemns-egyptians-arrest-qatar-solidarity-port-said-victims | A human rights group denounced the arrest of 12 Egyptians and their detainment for more than 10 hours following a friendly football match between Egypt and Congo Friday in Qatar. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information said in a statement Saturday that Qatari police arrested the Egyptians for holding banners that condemned the killing of football fans in the violence at Port Said last month, which left 74 dead. "The banners did not say anything unlawful, only the fans' views on the role of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, and expressed their solidarity with the martyrs of the ultras, who died during the bloody events at Port Said stadium," the statement said, referring to groups of hardcore football fans. The organization said those arrested were released after interrogation and experienced "cruel and degrading" treatment. The rights group compared the incident with that of Syrian citizens in the United Arab Emirates who demonstrated against the massacres committed by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. "The two incidents illustrate the Arab governments' aversion to freedom of expression and restrictions on those who exercise this right, whether citizens or expatriates," the organization said. "The ongoing degradation of Egyptian citizens abroad under the inaction of the SCAF and its foreign ministry perpetuates the Mubarak regime's policies and negligence to the circumstances of Egyptian abroad, and shows indifference to a slogan raised by the Egyptians during their revolution, which is human dignity," the group said. |
64 | 2012-03-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/profile-mp-abou-hameds-unlikely-attributes-bring-him-spotlight | It has become a routine in every parliamentary session to watch Islamist MPs shouting to interrupt MP Mohamed Abou Hamed while talking. For one, it brought Hamed greater attention. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In what will go down in history as a popular scene from the first post-revolution Parliament, Hamed was intercepted by a clique of Islamist MPs as he was walking back to his seat in the People's Assembly. They wanted to snatch away a birdshot bullet he had shown as evidence of security forces killing protesters. Hamed was challenging claims that police weren't shooting at protesters during the last wave of violence in downtown Cairo in February. A photo of him holding the bullet high in Parliament quickly became a media icon. But behind the performance essentially embedded in parliamentary politics lies the interesting layers of Hamed's life. What makes Hamed unique is that he merges a deep religious background, a liberal ideology and a hardcore revolutionary discourse, which mark the differences between contentious parties in post-revolution Egypt. Born in Cairo on 14 March 1973, Hamed comes from an average middle-class family. His mother was a housewife, and his father was a worker who died when his son was six years old. Hamed divorced his two ex-wives and is father of 12-year old twins, Mahmoud and Salma. The young MP received his early education in public schools and graduated with a bachelor's degree in commerce from Cairo University in 1995. He is currently pursuing a PhD in political theory, and his academic work focused on the relationship between politics and religion. He founded his own financial consultancy and auditing company, which specializes in training and providing strategic planning advice to financial departments in companies. Hamed hosted a daily TV show called Kenouz (treasures) during Ramadan in 2003 on the Saudi Islamic channel Iqraa. Afterward, he hosted another program called "Quran and Life." "After I began my PhD thesis, I decided I want to talk to people through a civil medium rather than a religious one because I wanted everyone to listen to me, including people from other religions," said Hamed, who sat down with Egypt Independent in a 5-star hotel in the affluent neighborhood of Zamalek, a few hours ahead of a protest organized by Ultras Ahlawy, which he would later join, leading chants. His approach is one that embraces schools of Islamic philosophy which were pioneered by Imam Ibn Rushd and revived by reformer Imam Mohamed Abdu in modern Egypt. "The school that fits my personality and the way I think is that which treats religion with reason and which states that religion is made to serve humanity. And the only school that believes this is Islamic philosophy. This school looks beyond the religious rulings and into their origin and the reasons behind them," said Hamed. Hamed added that he has been studying comparative religion since he was 10 and different Islamic religious schools for the past 28 years. "My interest in studying religion was not out of religiosity; rather, it was out of my interest in knowledge. Although I didn't use to pray when I was a child, my interest in studying the Quran was sparked because I used to listen to the angelic voice of sheikhs reciting the Quran to people. This is when I decided to study and memorize the Quran," said the young politician, casually dressed and at times browsing on his iPhone. Hamed has taught the Quran to 5,000 students since 1997. However, his scholarly background in Quranic studies does not lead Hamed to believe that politics and religion should be closely intertwined. While he recognizes the importance of religion in people's lives, he believes that religion should be treated only as a general guide for political activity and shouldn't dictate it. "There must be a separation between religion's static doctrine and the relative political theories of humans. No one should present his political opinion as something that is as sacred as religion," Hamed explained. This is where Hamed comes into disagreement with Islamist political forces. As far as political ideology is concerned, Hamed describes himself as a liberal who is also a Muslim. "Nothing dictates my political participation except that I am human, Egyptian, liberal, and so I am free," he stated. Hamed entered politics only after the 25 January revolution erupted. Despite being a new face, he was able to defeat his more established Islamist counterparts in parliamentary elections when he competed for the single-winner seat in the Qasr al-Nil district. He managed his own campaign but was supported financially by the newly-established Free Egyptians Party, which he co-founded with business tycoon Naguib Sawiris. "Before the revolution, the [formerly ruling] National Democratic Party (NDP) was monopolizing political life in Egypt and that is why I didn't see a point in getting into politics. I believed that civil society was more effective," said Hamed. In 1997, Hamed established an NGO called the Egyptian Development Foundation which, according to him, aims at rebuilding the middle class through promoting religious education and holding trainings for youths on personal skills and career development. But once he entered the political sphere, Hamed adopted a revolutionary stance. For one, he has been staunchly critical of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Parliament. In an emergency parliamentary session held after over 70 Ahly fans were killed after a football game in Port Said, an incident that for many further manifested the failure of the SCAF and the police apparatus to handle the country's critical transition period, Hamed proclaimed: "What happened yesterday is not an accident; rather, it's a plot for which the SCAF should be held accountable." "We must bring down the military rule and hasten the transfer of power to an elected civilian president," he continued. "We also have to completely eradicate the idea of a safe exit for the SCAF. Anyone whose hands are tainted with Egyptians' blood has to be held accountable, no matter who he is." And just like the SCAF, the Muslim Brotherhood has not been spared from Hamed's criticism. "The Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party has an illegitimate majority because people voted for religion and not for the party. They transformed the elections into a religious battle, which is illegal," Hamed said on a TV show on the private TV Channel Rotana on 23 January, the day the People's Assembly first convened. "The Muslim Brotherhood is following a strategy similar to that of Palestine's Hamas when it was aiming for a certain quota for its members in all state institutions; the legislative, security, military...etc. The Brotherhood wants to inherit this country. They are acting just like the NDP - if you are not a supporter, then you are the enemy," added Hamed. "I will talk about the Brotherhood very soon and especially about their source of funding. The group received LE70 million from Qatar on 28 January. If we are talking about foreign funding, then their sources of funding need to be investigated. But this will not be a personal attack on them; rather, it's because the people demand transparency," Hamed told Egypt Independent. Hamed claims that it is his religious background that is causing ire among Islamist MPs. "They gain credibility by presenting themselves as the people of religion, and anyone who argues with them about religion, they will consider an enemy," he said. But while being vocal about protecting the revolution, Hamed has not escaped criticism from revolutionaries, as some have accused him of supporting Gamal Mubarak's presidency before the revolution and of seeking fame by stirring controversy. He denies these charges. "I challenge any one to find a picture or an article that proves the existence of any relationship between me and Mubarak or any NDP members," said Hamed. He explained that the only connection he had to the NDP was that his NGO, the Egyptian Development Foundation, was forced to include 50 students who were members of Mubarak's son's Future Generation NGO in a training it was holding at Cairo University. Otherwise, the Egyptian Development Foundation would not have been allowed to hold the training. Hamed doesn't hide his ambition. He confidently speaks about his plan to run in presidential elections once he turns 40, the official age at which he can enter the contest. Recently, Hamed left the Free Egyptians Party shortly after resigning as the party's vice president and the head of its parliamentary bloc, saying that he "needs to completely devote himself to a project he has been working on for a while to serve the nation." Hamed recently formed the Revolutionary Command Council; a coalition between more than 40 activist groups that aims at uniting all revolutionary forces across the country under one body. Hamed is confident he has something valuable to offer if he ever becomes Egypt's president: "I believe very much in the Egyptian people, I know very well how to dream, and I have a dream and a vision for post-revolution Egypt. I don't see any candidate now who has a solid vision for the country like I do." This article previously stated Mohamed Abou Hamed's PhD status incorrectly. He is currently pursuing the degree. |
65 | 2012-03-07 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-protest-demand-release-april-6-youth-movement-activist | Dozens of April 6 Youth Movement members and ultras football group members organized a protest Wednesday morning outside the Abdeen prosecution building in downtown Cairo to demand the release of April 6 movement member George Ramzy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Security forces arrested Ramzy on 6 February near the Interior Ministry while he was participating in initiatives to end clashes that erupted there in protest of the violence at Port Said Stadium earlier that week, which left over 70 people dead. Egyptian news outlets reported Ramzy faces charges of attempting to storm the Interior Ministry, attacking and causing injury to security personnel, resisting arrest and disrupting traffic. Ramzy's detention was extended more than once, most recently on 23 February, when authorities extended his detention for 15 days pending investigations. Protesters chanted several slogans, including "Down, down with military rule" and "Revolution, revolution until victory." They also waved banners with slogans such as "Freedom for George Ramzy," "Freedom for the rebels" and "Revolutionaries are not thugs." The protesters said they would march to the attorney general's office if Ramzy's detention is further extended. April 6 Youth Movement member Mohamed Abdallah said the aim of the protest is to continue pressing for Ramzy's release. Abdallah went on to say, "This case has been fabricated for more than 350 suspects who were arrested in the recent Interior Ministry events and accused of a number of charges, including resisting arrest, destruction of public property, attacking employees during the performance of their work and disruption of traffic." Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
66 | 2012-03-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-martyr-day-demonstrators-both-criticize-and-support-military | Dozens of activists demonstrated in four governorates Friday to commemorate Martyr Day, both in support of and opposition to the ruling military council. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In the Friday prayer sermon in Tahrir Square, Sheikh Gomaa Mohamed Ali rejected the idea of a consensus presidential candidate and said all political forces and classes of society need to participate in drafting a new constitution to represent all Egyptians. Ali added that figures from the former Mubarak regime should be prevented from running for president. Later on in Alexandria, dozens demonstrated under the slogan "Friday of Martyr Day" to demand punishment for those implicated in killing protesters since the beginning of the 25 January revolution early last year. They chanted anti-SCAF slogans and were joined by dozens of members of the Ultras Ahlawy. Dozens of members of the April 6 Youth Movement and Kazeboon (Liars) Campaign - which references the ruling military council's alleged lies about using force against protesters - demonstrated at Revolution Square in front of the governorate headquarters. The demonstrators marched on Military Street in Mansoura in remembrance of the virginity tests the military government subjected women to in March last year and demanded the release of activists detained in military prisons. In Kafr al-Sheikh, the Kefaya movement staged a symbolic protest outside Al-Istad Al-Riyady Mosque, raising banners denouncing the SCAF. A number of protesters here also said their protest intended to revive the memory of virginity tests. Earlier at the Defense Ministry in Abbasseya, dozens gathered to directly protest against Supreme Council of the Armed Forces rule. Military police were deployed around the ministry to prevent protesters from approaching the building. The Defense Ministry demonstrators had gathered outside the Fatah Mosque in Ramses Square before heading to the ministry, where they demanded punishment for those involved in killing revolutionary protesters. The Second Egyptian Revolution Coalition and the Free Front for Peaceful Change participated in the protest, chanting, "Say it: Do not fear the [military] council, the council should leave" and "Bread, freedom, social justice." The protesters distributed fliers demanding the cancellation of Article 28 of the March 2011 Constitutional Declaration, which stipulates that all decisions of the Presidential Elections Commission cannot be challenged in court. The fliers say the article threatens the credibility of the upcoming presidential election and that the SCAF will use the article to "manipulate" the presidential election so as to produce a president acting on behalf of the generals, not the people. After prayers, dozens of members of the liberal Free Egyptians Party gathered on Qasr al-Nil Bridge and marched to the statue of Abdel Moneim Riyadh near Tahrir Square. Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr broadcast a video of a Giza march against military trials for civilians. It also reported that following prayers, another march was preparing to set off from Mostafa Mahmoud Mosque in Mohandiseen to Tahrir. Dozens of demonstrators supporting the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces gathered at the Unknown Soldier Memorial in Nasr City to join the armed forces in celebrating Martyr Day. The protesters chanted pro-SCAF and anti-media slogans, accusing the press of attempting to drive a wedge between the people and the armed forces. Egyptians celebrate Martyr Day on 9 March each year to commemorate the death of Abdel Moneim Riyadh, who died in the War of Attrition between Egypt and Israel in 1969. |
67 | 2012-03-12 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/fans-object-resumption-football-tournaments | Supporters of Egypt's two biggest football teams, Ahly and Zamalek, object to resuming football competitions, which have been stalled since violence in early February, the fan groups said in a statement Monday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Egyptian Football Association has indefinitely halted its Premier League competitions after 74 fans died in Port Said Stadium on 1 February. The deaths occurred when hardcore supporters of the home team, Masry, swarmed the pitch and attacked the guest fans. In the weeks following the match, demonstrations in Suez and at the Interior Ministry in Cairo protested what demonstrators described as lax security measures during the match. At least 17 died during the demonstrations. The Port Said incident stoked discontent with Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Investigations are still underway to identify the perpetrators and to determine the role of security forces in the bloody rampage. Police services are widely believed to have been intentionally passive during the violence. In Monday's statement, Ahly's supporters, known as Ultras Ahlawy, were joined by their arch rivals, the Ultras White Knights, in saying that those responsible for the Port Said events should be brought to justice. They urged for a transparent investigation into the incident. "We will not accept offering a scapegoat to cover for the real perpetrator," the fans said in the statement, published on Ultras Ahlawy's Facebook page. They said they will not accept resuming sports activities before achieving fair retribution and releasing political detainees. |
68 | 2012-03-13 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-slam-acquittal-virginity-tests-defendant | A march of dozens of men, women and ultras moved on Tuesday from the Mugamma Building in Tahrir Square to Cairo's High Court of Justice to protest the acquittal of a military doctor accused of conducting "virginity tests" on female protesters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The protesters raised the banner "Egypt's girls are a red line" to denounce the verdict. The woman who filed the lawsuit against the officer, Samira Ibrahim, and a witness for the prosecution, Rasha Abdel Rahman, attended the march. Demonstrators chanted slogans in support of Ibrahim and against military rule. The aim of the protest is to hold accountable those responsible for dragging women along the ground and running virginity tests on them after the dispersal of a sit-in on 9 March last year, said Reem Salem, who called for the march, stressing the protesters' demand to withdraw Egyptian nationality from the officer accused of conducting the tests. Abdel Rahman said that the prosecution of Nasr City Court turned down a report she filed against the military council on the grounds that the case was outside its jurisdiction. She said she will file a report on Wednesday to the attorney general against the military council, accusing it of conducting virginity tests on women in the military prison after dispersing the sit-in on 9 March 2011. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
69 | 2012-03-14 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-call-march-urge-swifter-port-said-investigation | Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans supporting Cairo's leading Ahly club, called for a march Thursday to push for faster investigations into the violence at a Port Said football match that left 74 people dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "We are fed up and our patience has run out," the ultras said on their Facebook page. "We have waited for days and weeks - for more than 40 days. It is time to take action while keeping our movements peaceful and retaining the faith that law will bring us justice." On 1 February, fans of the home Masry team flooded the pitch in Port Said Stadium seconds after a victory over Ahly, leading to hundreds of injuries in addition to those killed. In the weeks following the match, demonstrations in Suez and at the Interior Ministry in Cairo protested what the demonstrators described as lax security measures during the match. At least 17 died in these subsequent demonstrations. The Ultras Ahlawy statement called on Egyptians to assemble at the Ahly Club at 9 am on Thursday to get retribution for the martyrs. The statement added that Ultras Ahlawy protested against oppression, corruption and the suppressive regime even before the 25 January revolution began. "Ultras Ahlawy is the only faction in society, besides the free revolutionaries, who took part in the revolution to liberate the country without waiting to reap any benefits, like several others," the ultras said. The public prosecution, which launched its investigation into the incidents the same night the clashes took place, has yet to announce the results. News reports last month said suspects alleged businessmen close to Gamal Mubarak - deposed President Hosni Mubarak's son - paid them to start the clashes. |
70 | 2012-03-14 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/whats-left-tahrir-today | A little over a year after becoming a national symbol of unity, Tahrir Square has become a very lonely place. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Amid the complete absence of the state in the iconic square, those who chose to continue residing in it feel abandoned and isolated. The public often blames the square's residents for harming the revolution that they say they've been camping out in the street for months to save. Most of those who filled Tahrir last year to force then President Hosni Mubarak to step down have left, either believing that they have already won the battle or that Tahrir is no longer the way to advance the revolution. A few remain there in small groups with different motivations, all believing that the square is the only place that yielded gains throughout the last year. Within these groups, there is little trust in the political process beyond the confines of the square. In the grassless roundabout, Mekheimar Khamis Mekheimar, who was shot on 28 January 2011, dubbed the Friday of Anger, sits in front of his tent looking at a symbolic grave he made for himself. The headstone reads, "I will not live without freedom, this is my grave, down with military rule." "We started our sit-in demanding our rights as the injured of the revolution, but when we were attacked, our demand became the fall of the military rule," said Mekheimar. The sit-in has entered its fourth month, sustained by less than a dozen mourners. It started on 18 November with a mass protest that Islamists mobilized against the supra-constitutional principles proposed by former deputy Prime Minister Ali al-Selmy. The bill was dubbed as an attempt by the military-backed government to impose the vision of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces on the state. Following the protest, the sit-in held by the injured of the revolution to demand their rights was attacked by the police, instigating a bloody four-day standoff between police forces and protesters who came to the aid of those attacked. Since then, the square filled up during days of violent confrontations and the occasional million man protests, after which people went back home. But Mekheimar and his group have stayed in the square since November. With governments that have failed - over the course of a year - to implement any major reforms, and a parliamentary performance that revolutionary forces deem disappointing, those in the square express a loss of faith in the formal political channels, which are viewed by many as a legitimate replacement of the square. "We became completely separated from parties and political powers because they are only interested in leadership and power," says Mekheimar. "Until the day I die I will keep calling for the demands of the revolution from the street and not in an office in a suit and tie," he adds. On the other side of the square, tempers were flaring in a tent set up in front of the Mugamma administrative building, which has been home for a few activists since November. In the tent, a computer is set up with an internet connection, and a suit is hung up for one of the activists, a lawyer, to wear to work the next day. Inside, the activists were planning the next day's protest, which they dubbed "The Friday of Imposing the Peaceful Will," hoping it would bring people back to the square for an open-ended sit-in that would last until the end of the military rule and the realization of the revolution's reform demands. "Tomorrow, there will be new political forces, and not those that burned themselves by engaging in politics before the revolution is over," said activist Mostafa Aly, expressing a growing resentment in the square towards political forces that refuse to come to their rescue, leaving them to be mistaken for thugs by a large portion of the public. "We are sleeping on the street and we're expected to take orders from someone sitting in the comfort of their office?" said one activist as he stormed out of the tent, overcome by the frustration of the last few months. For these activists, Tahrir Square is a safe haven from the hassle of politics that have proved evasive and unsatisfying to the revolutionary powers throughout the year. Not everyone in Tahrir Square is sticking to the demands of the revolution though; some went there with demands that they can't take anywhere else. A small group known by the name of its leader, Dr. Omar, is camped out in Tahrir Square demanding the excavation of a tomb under building number 21 on Nour Foundation Street in the Zaytoun area, which, according to their interpretation of one Quranic verse, holds the name of the next president. A Nasserist group that is in the process of founding a new party, "The Popular Nasserist Conference," is also camped out in the square, promising a revolution inspired by former President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Having set up a stage, complete with a big screen television showing nationalist songs and a photo gallery, every night in the square since the anniversary of the revolution on 25 January, the group raises the reform demands of the revolution, in addition to cancelling the Camp David peace treaty with Israel and expelling the Israeli Ambassador from Egypt. Abandoned by political forces and the state since November, Tahrir residents function as a state within the state. "Everyone here melted into one society where the good and the bad mix. Our society is not based on any discrimination, we only reject those that harm our interests and don't abide by the peacefulness of the sit-in," says Aly. The people there say the square is subjected to attacks by "thugs" on a daily basis. The most recent severe attack happened last Thursday, when unknown assailants entered the square with machine guns. The protesters had to fend off the attack themselves, and reported it to authorities after capturing one of the weapons. On occasion, men and women have attempted to "purge" the square of those there for non-revolutionary purposes. In February, one woman with a metal rod told Egypt Independent, "We are here to cleanse the square of the street people and keep it a space for the revolutionaries." Aly says that while the Tahrir community embraces anyone, including the widely rejected street vendors who outnumber the protesters in the square, it does reject infiltrators with malicious intentions. Mekheimar says that the security forces' presence in the square is limited to nightly patrols by military forces. He says, however, that they do little good, since the assailants that protesters hand in to security forces are released immediately after. Ultras, hardcore football fans who joined protesters after their comrades were killed when violence broke out after a football match in February in Port Said, have burnt the tents of thugs that took refuge among Tahrir protesters. The security vacuum is not only felt by those participating in the sit-in. The lack of traffic police, in addition to walls put up by the military in streets around the square, have led to daily surges in the square's traffic that the sit-in is blamed for. Columnist Fahmy Howeidy said that the complete absence of the state in the square, allowing it to become a hub for thugs and drug dealers who blend in with the protesters, is more than just an oversight. He reads it as an intentional effort by authorities to disfigure the symbol of Egypt's revolution. In an article he wrote earlier this month, Howeidy called the current state of Tahrir Square, "The worst ending to the noblest place in the Egyptian consciousness." |
71 | 2012-03-15 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-protest-demand-quick-trial-port-said-violence-perpetrators | Hundreds of Ahly football club's Ultras Ahlawy, Zamalek's White Nights and a number of supporters of their cause responded on Thursday to calls on social networking sites on Wednesday for a rally that would begin outside the Ahly Club and head to the attorney general's office. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The protesters gathered at 9 am outside the Ahly Club headquarters in Gezira to protest the lack of accountability regarding last month's football violence in Port Said. Hundreds of protesters marched to the attorney general's office waving Ultras flags and holding pictures of the Port Said violence victims and a large banner that read "Glory to the martyrs." They also chanted slogans such as "the Ministry of Interior are thugs," "I hear the martyr's mother calling...'who will get me my sons' rights,'" and "Down, down with military rule," in addition to a number of football songs. The state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram reported that the protesters then blocked Ramses Street in downtown Cairo and some were sitting in the street outside the Lawyers Syndicate. Meanwhile, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud referred 75 defendants in the Port Said violence case to court, which resulted in mixed reactions among the protesters. One Ultras Ahlawy leader who spoke on condition of anonymity said, "We demand the immediate prosecution of the perpetrators." He added that the ultras "will not allow this case to be dealt with the same delays found in the Mubarak trial." He went on to say that the Ultras Ahlawy would continue to take to the streets to demand retribution for the martyrs. Another protester accused the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the judiciary of complicity and of attempting to "abort" the revolution, hoping to cause chaos. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
73 | 2012-03-20 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/photos-drawing-through-walls-reconnects-downtown-streets | On 9 March, one year after military police forcefully dispersed a sit-in at Tahrir Square, arrested protesters and tried them in military courts, a group of artists and activists launched their five-day graffiti campaign "Drawing through Walls." A Facebook event was created, inviting people to join seven teams in painting "open streets." googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Over the past year, police and military forces repeatedly cracked down on protesters. Starting with the November Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes, the Egyptian military has erected a number of barricade walls in the downtown area, creating a maze of dead cul-de-sacs in Cairo's busiest district. Residents and local businesses have suffered as the public has steered clear of the flashpoint area. Challenging the concrete structures, the artists prepared sketches of the streets on paper before they began working on the walls. Some sketches simply show the other side of the street, which most civilians, except for residents of the particular street, can no longer access. Others recreate scenes from the clashes, while some are hopeful and poetic. Still, the process has not been very smooth. Few of the sketches capture the correct angle of the streets. Some of the artists had to climb to the top of the walls and use masking tape to mark out the lines drawn according to the right perspective. They wanted to make it look as real as possible. In addition to established graffiti artists like Ammar Abu Bakr from Luxor, many amateur groups responded to the Facebook call. This small group working on Youssef al-Guindy Street is led by filmmaker Salma al-Tarzi (second from the left). None of them are graffiti artists, but they wanted to be part of this artistic campaign as a way of protest. The past year has encouraged many people to express themselves through graffiti. Alaa Awad, who had made the pharaonic funerary drawings on Mohamed Mahmoud Street to mourn the Port Said martyrs, created an exciting drawing on the Qasr al-Aini Street wall. Along with fellow artists and friends, he recreated a drawing from the famous "Description of Egypt," a book that was housed in the Institut d'Egypte before it was set ablaze in the December clashes between the military and protesters just outside Tahrir Square. Zeft, an engineering student who prefers to remain anonymous, is another active face who emerged over the past year. Working mostly with stencils, he created a beautiful and hopeful scene on Mansour Street, which witnessed much violence in February when police, ultras and activists clashed after the Port Said football violence. Zeft's colorful rainbow and playing children are fun to look at. He told Egypt Independent that one of the main inspirations for this work is Banksy's "Balloon Girl" painted on the separation wall in Palestine. Although normal life hasn't completely resumed in the area, the "Drawing through Walls" graffiti has definitely added color and warmth to the neighborhood's side streets, many of which continue to be heavily guarded by security checkpoints. But the drawings seem to be inviting people to come close and interact with the walls and the streets in different ways. |
74 | 2012-03-24 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-decry-parliaments-domination-constituent-assembly | Dozens of demonstrators, including several high profile figures, protested Saturday against the composition of the 100-member constituent assembly, which will write the new constitution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Held in front of the Cairo International Conference Center in Nasr City, where the joint Shura council and People's Assembly committee held a meeting to select the members, the demonstrations criticized Islamist political movements of dominating the process. Protesters demanded an assembly representative of all segments of society. Banners read: "Pluralism is the constitutional reference," "Yes to a constitution representing all Egyptians," and "No to the legislative authority exclusively drafting the constitution." The demonstrators also distributed a statement saying "Wake up Egyptians, before our constitution is hijacked and tailored in favor of a particular group, and the constitution's constituent assembly is controlled." Some Ultras Ahlawy members and public figures such as writer Karima Hefnawy, lawyer Nasser Amin, Nour al-Hoda Zky, Mohamed al-Ashkar, activist Samira Ibrahim, actor Amr al-Qady, actor Ahmed Eid and musician Hany Mehanna participated in the demonstration. Ahmed Taha Naqr, spokesperson for the National Assembly for Change, attributed the small number of participants to the remoteness of the location and the lack of transportations as well as the gas crisis. Actor Amr al-Qady said he participated in the demonstration because the constitution was the most important battle in the revolution, and he wanted to prevent the Muslim Brotherhood from hijacking it. The parliament, he said, does not have the right to dominate the constitution's constituent assembly. Actor Ahmed Eid objected the parliament's acquisition of 50 percent of the constituent assembly saying the constitution should represent, as much as possible, the classes and currents in the society or else "that means the Brotherhood will rule Egypt till doomsday." Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
75 | 2012-03-25 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-light-penalties-port-saids-masry-team | Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans, marched to Parliament Sunday for a sit-in to protest what they called light penalties imposed by the Egyptian Football Association on Port Said's Masry club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The association decided Saturday to ban Masry from participating in two football seasons and prohibited the team from playing at Port Said Stadium for three years. In February, 74 people were killed after Masry fans stormed the pitch at the end of a match with Egypt's top club, Ahly. The Egyptian Football Association also banned Ahly fans from attending four of their team's matches. It suspended Ahly coach Manuel Jose da Silva and Ahly team captain Hossam Ghaly for four matches for their misconduct. While Ultras Ahlawy did not see the penalties on Masry as harsh enough and called for the team's relegation, Port Said residents staged massive protests on Friday to denounce the punishments. Protesters clashed with security forces, leading to the death of one protester. The violence in Port Said outraged the public and members of Parliament, who accused the cabinet of failing to achieve security. Many blamed wilfull security failures, particularly as people were allowed into the stadium carrying weapons, and during the violence the stadium's steel doors were bolted shut - trapping Ahly fans who were then crushed to death - and its lights were turned off. The chief suspect in the case told investigators earlier this month that he was paid to lead 800 people to attack Ahly fans. In mid-March, the attorney general referred 75 suspects to criminal trial. News reports on Sunday said Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri agreed to allow Port Said Governor Ahmed Abdallah - who had been dismissed over the violence - to resume work at the request of the MPs from his governorate. Ganzouri referred the request to the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to make the decision. |
76 | 2012-03-27 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/more-ahly-fans-join-parliament-protest-over-efa-penalties | Hundreds of hardcore supporters of Egypt's leading football team, Ahly, known as Ultras Ahlawy, marched from Cairo University on their way to join their comrades' sit-in outside the Parliament on Tuesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The sit-in, which started Monday, voices rejection of the penalties imposed by the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) on Port Said's team Masry, whose supporters' bloody attack on Ahly fans following a game in Port Said Stadium on 1 February, left 74 Ahly fans dead. The demonstrators chanted slogans stressing that they would not give up their demand of retribution for the deaths. The bloody football match stoked fury over the security failures of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. On Saturday, the EFA punished Masry by freezing its football activities for two years and closing the Port Said Stadium for three years. Ahly fans said the penalties were insufficient. Leaks of the EFA's decision fuelled anger among Masry fans who clashed with security forces on Friday, leaving one dead. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
77 | 2012-03-29 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/abouel-fotouh-visits-ultras-ahlawy-sit-peoples-assembly | Presidential hopeful Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh visited the Ultras Ahlawy at their sit-in outside the People's Assembly Thursday morning, stressing their right to protest and encouraging them to keep the demonstration peaceful. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The devoted fans of Cairo's leading Ahly football team have staged a sit-in for five days outside the People's Assembly. They are protesting what they say are weak sanctions against Port Said's Masry club and to demand harsh punishment for the perpetrators of the Port Said football violence on 1 February, during which 74 people, mostly Ahly fans, were killed. The violence stoked ultras and activists' fury over the security failures of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. On Saturday, the Egyptian Football Association punished Masry by freezing its football activities for two years and closing the Port Said Stadium for three years. Ahly fans said the penalties are insufficient. Leaked reports of the football association's decision fueled anger among Masry fans, who clashed with security forces in Port Said on Friday, during which one person was killed. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
78 | 2012-03-29 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/parliament-sit-ultras-will-never-stop-singing-demands | Fire leaps out of the vat of fry oil Hatem uses to make falafel at his small restaurant. Usually, this is an accident and an occupational hazard that occurs when water makes contact with the hot oil. But this time, it's intentional. Hatem is contributing to the pyrotechnics of the Ahly ultras who have been setting off fireworks, chanting and singing during their four-day-long sit-in across from his small restaurant near the barricades outside Parliament. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "They have an infectious passion while they chant," Hatem says. "I also support their cause." While many of the protesters don Ahly football club paraphernalia, they are not outside Parliament to cheer for their team. They are demanding justice for the 74 of their own that were killed after a football match in Port Said between Ahly and the home team Masry on 1 February. On the narrow strip of pavement in the middle of the two-lane street, around 50 tents are set up. Small cardboard cut-outs mark some tents, named after either the area or ultras chapter they represent, such as "Villa Ultras Shubra" or "Villa Ultras Imbaba," or after the name of one of their fallen, "Villa Mohamed al-Ghandour, the martyr." The air around the sit-in is tense as a palpable anger still runs through many of the fans and those who have come to support them, around 2,000 in total, most of them teenagers. Quiet resolve and organization mixes with youthful exuberance. Just like at football matches, there is an organized and impassioned mass that can direct its energy, but also somehow always seems to be on the brink of a chaotic eruption. The group leaders, known as Capos, have administrative control of the ultras' activities on and off the pitch, but the ultras thrive on a more organic form of managing their affairs. "We are all self-organized. Anyone can lead a demonstration. Everyone is here because he wants to be here," says Mohamed Ahmed, a 21-year-old engineering student. Ahmed tells of tales heard often in ultra tents, about how security forces retreated instead of saving them while Masry fans and hired thugs attacked them with melee weapons and caused many to fall from the stadium roof. Despite the ultras' participation in the revolution, they'll admit that the aim of their group is not political. "The purpose of our group is to support our team ... but for now none of this is about football," he says. Nonetheless, Ahmed and many others were pleased when the Ahly club objected to the Egyptian Football Association's decision to ban Masry for two seasons. "This sit-in was supposed to be in front of the football association. Then we decided to direct our voices to Parliament as our representatives and call for retribution through them," Ahmed says. Many demonstrators in the sit-in are there for much more personal reasons, and the ultras are their conduit through which they can express their anger and dissatisfaction. Their decision to take matters into their own hands is not new, as they have been present as a force in the revolution since 28 January 2011. After Port Said, however, one anecdote from the massacre especially resonates with many and reinforces their belief that they must get justice themselves. When Ahly fans reportedly pleaded to the Port Said police for help, the officers responded, "Don't you say you protected the revolution, protect yourselves now," quotes Ali, a 20-year-old student. Many ultras claim that their role in the revolution and anti-police chants in stadiums caused police to shirk from protecting them on 1 February. However, it is also their role in the revolution that is making some feel that their sit-in is a continuation of the revolution, as well as a call for justice. "The ultras' role throughout the revolution has been to inject fervor and passion into everyone around them. During demonstrations, we'd see people joining the marches when they noticed the ultras were there," says Fareed Mohamed, a 23-year-old furniture salesman from Mahalla. An activist with the Free Mahalla Youth back in his hometown, an hour and a half outside of Cairo, Mohamed travels to spend his days with the ultras. For him, it's also a way to express his dissatisfaction with the country's transition process. "Besides justice for all the martyrs since 25 January 2011, we are now seeing the farce of the constituent assembly, and have a Parliament that is not representing the revolution's aspirations," he says. The sit-in alternates between lulls, when some sleep, discuss, organize, joke around or entertain guests, and outbursts of impassioned reverie, when everyone chants and jumps around. Some have the lyrics to the chants printed on pages in their pockets. Most have them memorized. They resemble football chants, but instead of talking about scoring goals and prowess on the field, they speak of a moment when their childhood hobby turned deadly. The group's main activity during the sit-in - singing and chanting - is very similar to their function in the stadium and embodied in an English banner above the protest: "We will never stop singing." "In the stadium, we are all singing together just to create an atmosphere for the game. Here we are chanting to make our voices heard," Ali says. His voice is already half gone from three days of chanting. He sleeps in his ultra chapter tent and always carries a backpack with books for the university lectures he attends in the mornings. Ali and Mohamed broke the ultra's "anti-media" rule to talk to Egypt Independent. It is but one of the sit-in's many-policies. Other rules include not accepting food from outsiders to the sit-in and not joking around out of respect for the martyrs. Given the ultras main demographic, young men aged 15-25, that rule tends to be disregarded. Though they refused to provide their real last names, the ultras explained that names were not important among them. Ali did know the real name of one of his friends from the ultras until he read his obituary. "I was used to calling Mahmoud Mostafa 'Karika.' We deal in nicknames," he says. Mostafa, an engineering student as well, was killed by live ammunition, ostensibly from military police, during the December protests in front of the cabinet. At one point during the evening, a man on a loud speaker calls out, reminding everyone of another rule of the sit-in: "We said no women here after 8 pm. Call us backwards if you want, but that is the rule; we cannot have women spending the night." He later extends the time to 9 pm. Well-wishers and fellow revolutionaries are present in abundance throughout the day, including ultras from Ahly's rivals on the pitch, the Zamalek football club's White Knights. Though they used to oppose each other, ultras of the two teams are friends for now, driving home the point that this is no longer really about football. Most of the ultras do not know if their sit-in will result in an escalation. They are waiting to see the reaction of those in power, and see if they are being taken seriously first. They also don't seem to mind the possibility of escalation. Many see it is a natural outcome if they are completely ignored. |
79 | 2012-04-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-boycott-african-league-match-resume-protests | Supporters of Egypt's leading football club Ahly have declared they would not attend their team's African Champions League game against Ethiopian Coffee Football Club next Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Members of Ultras Ahlawy, the most devoted supporters of the club, said they would resume their sit-in outside the Parliament building in Cairo, which started in late March, to press for retribution for fellows killed in the Port Said Stadium violence on 1 February. Leading ultras members said a joint decision has been made with supporters of Ahly's rival club, Zamalek, to reject any sporting events in Egypt before achieving justice for those killed. "The game is meaningless to us, we won't be there; the sit-in continues until our demands are met," said Mohamed Tarek, one Ultras Ahlawy member. Seventy-four fans were killed in a football match against Port Said's team, Masry. Masry supporters stormed the pitch and attacked the visiting team's fans, reportedly for hoisting an insulting banner. The massacre had stoked fury over the alleged security failures of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The Egyptian Football Association punished Masry by suspending its football activities for two years and closing the Port Said Stadium for three years. Ahly fans said the penalties were insufficient. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
80 | 2012-04-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-stage-angry-marches | The Ultras Ahlawy, supporters of the Cairo-based football team Ahly, staged marches in different governorates Wednesday, demanding retribution for those who were killed in the Port Said Stadium violence, which claimed the lives of 74 and wounded hundreds more. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); They also called for bringing the officials responsible for the massacre to account. In the city of Tanta in Gharbiya governorate, hundreds of Ultras protested in front of the municipality headquarters, chanting slogans against the Interior Ministry and the military council, accusing them of complicity in the violence. In Sharqiya, the ultras staged protests on the campus of Zagazig University, calling for revenge for the blood of the martyrs. In Damanhour, they walked around the city carrying black flags, while in Aswan, they called for retribution for the martyrs of the revolution, Mohamed Mahmoud Street and the cabinet building violence, and the Port Said massacre. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
82 | 2012-04-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursdays-papers-brotherhood-struggles-hold-constituent-assembly-together | Thursday's papers reveal how the tone of the forthcoming presidential race has sharpened, with candidates throwing their hats into the ring for the first post-Hosni Mubarak election, slated to take place on 23 and 24 May. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Freedom and Justice newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brotherhood's political party of the same name, leads with a story that Khairat al-Shater, the Brotherhood's candidate for Egypt's top office, will submit his application Thursday to officially enter the race. In his first public statement since announcing his nomination, Shater denied that the Brotherhood cut a backroom deal with the ruling military council to support him in the presidential poll, according to the report. Independent newspaper Youm7 reports that presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abu Ismail is fighting to be eligible to participate in the race. The paper says that Abu Ismail has filed a lawsuit in administrative court against the Interior Ministry, accusing it of trying to delay his application past the deadline. The ultraconservative Salafi candidate's presidential bid has become imperiled by recent reports that his mother is an American citizen, which would disqualify him from running. Privately owned Al-Shorouk reports that Islamist attorney Mohamed Selim al-Awa has filed his candidacy application, officially becoming the 10th candidate on the electoral roll. On Freedom and Justice's front page, the paper quotes Tarek al-Desouky, head of the People's Assembly's Economic Affairs Committee and a Nour Party member, as saying, "The Nour Party's final decision on the endorsement of a presidential candidate will be announced next Saturday during a meeting of the party's supreme authority." Al-Ahram, the flagship state-run paper, reports that the Brotherhood came away empty-handed from a meeting with delegates who have withdrawn from the constituent assembly. The paper says those who have withdrawn insist on dissolving the body and re-electing its members so that they represent all segments of society. Gamal Fahmy, vice chairman of the Journalists Syndicate, told Al-Ahram that the syndicate would announce its withdrawal from the assembly today, following in the footsteps of Al-Azhar, the Coptic Orthodox Church and the Supreme Constitutional Court in protest of Islamists' domination of the body. However, Sobhy Saleh, an FJP member of the assembly, ruled out the possibility of Islamists restructuring the whole body after its members failed to reach common ground on resolving the dispute, the paper adds. Reporting on the same news, Youm7 says a number of political forces have called for a million-strong nationwide protest this Friday for a new composition of the 100-member assembly. A countrywide ultras march also makes headlines in Thursday's newspapers. Privately owned Al-Tahrir writes that the Ultras Ahlawy, devoted fans of Egypt's leading football club Ahly, organized massive marches across the country, demanding retribution for martyrs who lost their lives after a match in Port Said on 1 February. More than 70 people were killed in the violence and hundreds injured. Ultras blocked off 6th of October Bridge, chanting anti-military slogans and holding up pictures of martyrs, the report says. On its seventh page, independent Al-Dostour writes that Mohamed Abou Hamed, an MP and former leading member of the Free Egyptians Party, has launched new party, called the Lives of the Egyptians Party. In a press conference, Abou Hamed explained why he has formed the party. "Civil, liberal parties on the scene have failed to present political programs that address Egyptian citizens' crucial issues." The party, which is still under construction, would comprise 75 percent of its members from the younger generation. "I will apply for an official license within the next three months after appointing 5,000 members," Abou Hamed said. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party |
83 | 2012-04-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-abu-ismail-slams-reports-his-mother-held-american-citizenship | Presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abu Ismail called reports that his mother is American a plot against him. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "There has been a well-orchestrated plan in play for a long time," said Abu Ismail in a statement on Facebook. "Many bodies used forces inside and outside the country to subdue my presidential campaign." Abu Ismail said he undertook all relevant procedures with the Interior and Foreign Ministries, the Passports, Immigration and Nationalities Administration Authority and the Presidential Elections Commission. He asked his supporters to pray for him to turn the crisis into a victory. The Presidential Elections Commission said on Thursday that it received an official letter from the Interior Ministry's Immigration and Naturalization Department confirming that Nawal Abdel Aziz Nour, the mother of presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, entered Egypt on a US passport in the last five months before her death. The commission's chairman, Farouk Sultan, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the commission will, however, await a response from the Foreign Ministry which, he said, has the final word on determining Nour's nationality. According to Egyptian law, candidates running for president cannot descend from parents who hold citizenship that is not Egyptian. The letter specifically mentioned that Nour used the US passport several times traveling to and from the United States, and to Germany in 2008 and 2009. On Wednesday, Abu Ismail filed a lawsuit against the chairman of the Presidential Elections Commission and the interior minister, demanding that they prove their claim that his mother carried US citizenship. He said in earlier statements that his late mother only received a US green card, and not the nationality, and voiced concerns of possible plots to push him out of the race. Abu Ismail's supporters called for a million-man demonstration on Friday. "We are sure his mother did not have a dual nationality," said Gamal Saber, one supporter. "And the Ahly and Zamalek ultras will join us." Saber said the authorities need to prove that claim by presenting a video showing Abu Ismail's mother taking the oath while she was granted US citizenship, as well as submit citizenship documents with her fingerprints. Adel Afify, president of the Salafi Nour Party, also said there has been a conspiracy against Abu Ismail from day one when he announced his candidacy. Diplomatic sources had told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the elections commission is investigating the nationalities of other runners, including Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, Amr Moussa, Hossam Khairallah, Abul Ezz al-Hariry, Mohamed Fawzy, candidate of the Democratic Generation Party, and Ahmed Awad al-Saeedy, the candidate of the Egypt National Party. Mohamed Selim al-Awa, another runner, had denied rumors that one of his parents had Syrian citizenship. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
84 | 2012-04-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/feminist-union-criticizes-preventing-girls-staying-overnight-ultras-sit | The Ultras Ahlawy sit-in's ban on women at its protest site after 10 pm is a violation of citizens' right to protest, according to a member of the Egyptian Feminist Union. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "We cannot criticize Islamists for banning women from participating in protests when revolutionary forces do the same," union member Omar Ahmed said on Sunday. "They even forbade them from smoking." He added that these rules mean women are perceived as a "source of suspicion." However, the union did issue a statement supporting the Ultras Ahlawy's demand to complete the goals of the 25 January revolution. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
85 | 2012-04-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-ends-sit-temporarily-nehal-news-1-hold | Hundreds of hardcore Ahly football team fans decided Sunday to suspend their sit-in at the People's Assembly temporarily until the outcome of the Port Said football violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); trial comes out, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. Ultras Ahlawy started the sit-in to protest what fans say are weak punishments for Port Said's Masry football club, and to demand harsher punishments for the perpetrators of the violence that occurred 1 February and left 74 people, mostly Ahly fans, dead. Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud last month charged 75 people in connection with the bloodiest football violence in the nation's history. The accused include nine senior police officers. Mahmoud's decision came after Ultras Ahlawy staged their sit-in to demand swift justice and protest what they said was a delay in filing the charges. The decision, which was posted on the group's Facebook page, came after an Ahly fan meeting during which they agreed on two main demands: that the victims of the violence be considered officially as revolution martyrs and that a review of the case be expedited. The Port Said fact-finding committee has agreed to consider the victims martyrs, a decision declared by Ashraf Thabet, Parliament's deputy speaker. Following a meeting between the group's representatives and Justice Minister Adel Abdel Hamid, the minister also formed a special unit to follow up on the case to guarantee a swift decision and punishment for the perpetrators. The Ultras Ahlawy group leaders called for its members to not attend the football game between Ahly and the Ethiopian Coffee club that took place Sunday in Military Stadium to avoid clashes with police or military officers. The Ultras watched the game on a large screen at the Parliament sit-in. |
86 | 2012-04-11 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-zamalkawy-member-accused-cabinet-incident-case-released-nehal-news-2 | State security prosecution presided over by Wagdy Abdel Moneim, the judge of the case of the cabinet clashes, decided Wednesday to release Mahmoud Omran, a member of the Zamalek Club's White Knights. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Omran, who is known as "Shika," was accused of burning down the Institut d'Egypte. Prosecution also accused him of assaulting security forces and damaging public and private properties. Ahmed Heshmat, a defense team member and lawyer with the Hisham Mubarak Law Center, said no clear reason for arresting the suspect existed and there was an absence of evidence against him. Shika is supposed to be released on Wednesday evening or Thursday after finishing procedures at the Abdeen police station and security department, Heshmat added. On 16 December, military forces violently dispersed a weeks-long sit-in outside the cabinet protesting the appointment of Kamal al-Ganzouri as prime minister by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Ganzouri was prime minister during the Mubarak era. Protesters were also demanding that the SCAF immediately transfer power to a civilian body. At least 17 people were killed by the military during the clashes. Ahmed Ragheb, a lawyer defending Omran, told Al-Masry Al-Youm on Saturday that he called on the judge to investigate the torture of his client at Abdeen police station and summon the police officers who arrested and interrogated him. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
87 | 2012-04-15 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/masry-club-fans-protest-against-moving-port-said-massacre-trial-cairo-nehal-news-2 | Some 100 members of the Masry Club ultras, known as the "Green Eagles," chained the gates of the investment zone in Port Said at 1 am on Sunday to protest moving the trial of suspects implicated in the February football violence there to the Police Academy in Cairo, demanding the trial be held in Ismailia. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Military leaders eventually convinced the ultras, the name adopted by hardcore football fans, to re-open the investment zone and let its 37,000 workers resume work. Ashraf al-Ezaby, coordinator of the suspects' defense team, said they met on Sunday to attempt to move the trial to Cairo on Tuesday. Ezaby added that the team communicated with security leaders in Port Said to coordinate moving the lawyers and the families to Cairo and ensuring their security. However, no response was received, despite threats made by the Ultras Ahlawy, he added.A number of Masry ultras and Salafis have decided to travel along with the lawyers and the families to keep them secure. The Ismailia Court of Appeals had previously granted permission for 100 of the victims' families and 43 of the suspects' families to attend the court session. The security directorate will move 61 of the suspects imprisoned in the Port Said prison and Port Fouad police station to Cairo to attend the session. Security sources at the Interior Ministry told Al-Masry Al-Youm on Sunday that the security services at the Cairo Security Directorate plan to coordinate with the armed forces to secure the trial sessions. Major General Mohsen Mourad, the Cairo security chief, held a meeting with senior leaders of the directorate and the Central Security Forces to draw up a security plan, which will include securing the academy and the suspects on their way to and from the academy, according to the sources. The sources also added that strict security measures would be enforced outside the academy's premises starting at 5 am Tuesday, and that troops would be deployed on roads leading to the academy. A security cordon would be imposed at entrances of the academy, they said. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
88 | 2012-04-17 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-holds-first-trial-session-football-violence-suspectsnews1 | The trial of 75 defendants implicated in the deaths of 74 football fans in Port Said began Tuesday in Cairo's Police Academy, in the same courtroom as the trial for former President Hosni Mubarak. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Judge Emil Habashy, head of the Port Said Criminal Court, was forced to suspend the session after the plaintiffs and defendants' lawyers began shouting at each other. The session is being broadcast live on state television. On 1 February, supporters of Port Said's home club, Masry, and Cairo's leading team, Ahly, began clashing after Masry fans stormed the pitch following a rare victory. In the ensuing violence, 74 were killed and hundreds injured in one of the deadliest football-related incidents in history. Critics have accused security forces of doing little to prevent the fighting in the stadium. A month later, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud referred the suspects in the case to criminal court, including nine Port Said police officers and three Masry club executives. Two minors were also referred to juvenile court. Police have said it would be impossible to hold the trial in Port Said due to security concerns, and later set the trial to be held in the highly guarded Police Academy, where Mubarak, former Interior Ministry Habib al-Adly and six former security officials have been tried on charges of involvement in killing protesters during the 18-day uprising early last year. Early Tuesday morning, state TV reported that the Interior Ministry and army forces have devised a plan to protect the academy during the trial; 4,000 riot police agents are set to be deployed. Scores of fans of the Ahly club, known as the Ultras Ahlawy, were present in front of the Police Academy in the morning. In a statement on their Facebook page on Monday, they urged members not to respond to "provocations" at the trial and protect the families of the victims outside the court. |
89 | 2012-04-28 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-masry-ultras-protest-against-injustices-following-port-said-violence | Roughly 200 Masry team Ultras demonstrated in front of general authority of Port Said governorate Friday, during a meeting between Governor Ahmed Abdullah and members of Parliament and the Shura Council to discuss toughening punishments for the Masry Ultra club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The protesters said they did not deserve harsher penalties, and asked the governor to present their case. The representatives, including Wafd party People's Assembly representative Mohamed Gad, and Ali Dora, Freedom and Justice Party representative, talked about increasing the punishments leveled on the hard-core soccer fans for the Masry team. On 1 February after a match between Ahly and Masry, scores of fans stormed the field and the visiting team's bleachers in the worst incident of football violence in Egypt's history, which resulted in the deaths of over 70 people. Many attributed the bloodshed to a deliberate lapse in security or planned attack. In March, the general attorney charged 75 people with murder and negligence in the case, including nine police officers and two minors. The Masry team has been excluded from football events following the violence. Protesters asked for "the lifting of injustices done to the team." Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
90 | 2012-05-01 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/profile-junior-malek-brings-street-politics-high-school | "We are the future of this country," says Ahmed Malek, also known as Junior Malek, about people his age who are still in high school. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Malek is a prominent 17-year-old activist who was a leader in mobilizing the high school protests and strikes that took place on 11 February, the one-year anniversary of Hosni Mubarak's resignation and just a few days after the Port Said football violence. But even before then, Malek could be seen on the front lines of clashes with the military, or organizing educational reform protests at the Education Ministry. "Whether older people accept it or not, we will outgrow them, and spread, and eventually have some sort of control over most sections of society," says Malek. "The more the youth realize this, and try to become informed, aware and able, the more promising the future of Egypt will be." Malek wants to study political science when he finishes high school, with hopes of getting into foreign policy, human rights or municipal government. In recent months, he has also become a member of the Revolutionary Socialists movement. "I was only a leftist at first, but the more I learned about socialism, the more I saw myself having to align with their cause," says Malek, who believes the movement's interests have those of the nation at heart. But even though he is extremely politicized, Malek is still a funny and lighthearted teenager, constantly smiling, laughing and making jokes. He also admits that his political interests are relatively new, and a direct result of the 25 January revolution. Prior to the uprising in early 2011, Malek was thinking about becoming an actor, and was already somewhat well-known for playing the young Hassan al-Banna in the 2010 TV show, "The Brotherhood." "But all the while as I was growing older, like 14 or 15, I started to realize that things were off, particularly in school," he says. Malek, who lives in Mohandiseen with his family, attends Madinat al-Dawliya, a private school in Zamalek, which has an American educational curriculum. "I didn't understand why I had to be educated with an American system, and I questioned what was wrong with our own [public system]," he says. "But for a young person, before 25 January, it was hard to find older people and teachers to talk to you honestly about these questions." Malek says that he would mock the educational system and Mubarak with his friends, but was never able to really take his criticism beyond that. But as he grew older, that frustration eventually turned into more concrete plans. He dreamed of joining the April 6 Youth Movement, one of Egypt's most prominent pro-reform groups. But because he was so young at the time, he joined the only rebellious outlet he had access to: the Zamalek White Knights ultras. "They were active and organized, and seemed disobedient and free, so I was drawn to it," Malek says of the organization of football fanatics. "Then after 25 January, and the battles began, everything changed." To avoid cliches discussing the initial uprising and its effect on engaging Egyptians in politics, Malek fast-forwards to the July sit-in in Tahrir Square, where he says the high school political movement was born. "This was when it became clear who the dedicated activists were, and we spent a lot of time discussing our individual lives, and for the first time I found other high schoolers, from other schools, who felt the same way," he says. Despite being in a private school himself, he says that important bridges were built with many other students at this time, from both public and private schools. He says they all generally agreed that Egypt's current school system was horrendous, regardless of where you were. "Either your parents have a bit of money, meaning you will most likely go private [school] and are therefore automatically unpatriotic and kind of detached from local culture, or they don't and you go [to] public, where the education is terrible and the schools are falling apart," he contends. "The choices are patriotic poverty or unpatriotic privilege," says Malek, though he admits that there are rare exceptions to this. Another important agreement among the students was that they felt a personal duty to highlight and remove the "mini-Mubaraks" from high schools, says Malek, without giving any names. Malek and his new friends from Tahrir started a Facebook page and a Twitter hashtag #s4c (students for change), and eventually organized their first protest at the Education Ministry in late September last year, demanding educational reforms. It was a bit disappointing, Malek says, with a turnout of only around 100 protesters. The group decided to spread awareness in their schools, and compile a database of students and teachers who felt the same way they did. Meanwhile, clashes between activists and the security forces occurred on a monthly basis from October through February, leading to increased dissent against the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces as many young people were killed in the fighting. For Malek, the November clashes were a turning point in his life, as he says he was beaten unconscious by the military, lost a lot of blood from his head, and was eventually sent to hospital, where his parents found out for the first time what exactly he had been up to all those months during the late nights he had said he was spending "with friends." Malek's father, Malek Mostafa, is a prominent member of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, while his mother is apparently anti-revolution. "They were really angry and worried, but in conflicting ways," he adds, half-jokingly. "They just want me to graduate, above all." But once February rolled around, Malek was back on the streets. After violence at a football match in Port Said left 74 people dead, most of them Ahly ultras, many blamed the SCAF for the incident. And many of those killed were young people, breathing new life into the student movement. Malek says that after the Port Said incident, they found hundreds of young students joining their Facebook page, which now has over 4,000 members, as opposed to 13 last July. "I found many familiar faces from surrounding schools, and it was easy to mobilize and set up protests both in and out of the schools," says Malek. Although many of the new faces were joining as a statement against the SCAF, Malek says that they naturally aligned themselves with the educational reformist views of the group. However, despite the high school protests and general strike not having any significant effect on politics, Malek believes this mobilization of young people will have two very important lasting effects. "Firstly, many of us have bought respect from teachers, who usually talked to you and looked at you condescendingly, and taught you like a stupid kid," he says, adding that now public school students argue with teachers in class against the ministerial curriculum. However, he also stresses that all teachers are different, and some deserve a lot of supportive recognition. "Secondly, we now have a good database of not only thousands of students, but teachers looking to get involved in educational reform protests in the future," he says. For now, Malek says it is hard to maintain protests and momentum within the schools, particularly since these schools still control whether or not they will actually graduate, and that success would be to maintain a prolonged presence that can be passed down to younger students when his batch graduates. "You have to maintain a balance between rebelling for reforms, but not getting singled out and having your future destroyed in the process," he says. "But the goal is to make sure the youth realize their power, both now and in the future." Malek admits that he doesn't actively force students to engage in politics and see his views, "but if I find someone hint at it or mildly interested, then I will push and encourage." But Malek says that students have generally become more opinionated and vocal in schools since 25 January. He also says that they are organizing to stage large protests, with teacher involvement, against the educational system and the SCAF after exams in the summertime. "We are planning something big, I can't say much more yet," he says. Malek says he believes there is a new half-socialist, half-capitalist philosophy stirring in the youth of today. "I can feel it, but I can't exactly explain it, but since the day I was born [in the mid-nineties] we have all been heavily connected [through the internet] in a new way," he says. "We're the first generation in history of this sort, and I think something huge is around the corner." |
91 | 2012-05-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/abbasseya-fallout-leaves-scaf-top-revolution-floundering | Hours after a bloody fight between military forces and protesters when the latter violently dispersed the weeklong sit-in next to the Defense Ministry last Friday, military police officers celebrated their victory by dancing to patriotic songs along with some civilians in the street. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The scene was shocking for the revolutionaries who felt the military considers them enemies, while some say it indicates the majority's fatigue from excessive protests and their longing for stability. With less than a month before the presidential election begins, both revolutionary forces and Islamists find themselves losing credibility with the mainstream. Instead, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which has mismanaged the transition over the last 14 months, is poised to benefit from continued perceptions of chaos and instability, readying to carve out a long-term role for itself after the official transfer of power to civilians. "The SCAF has definitely come out a winner from the Abbasseya clashes because they have made the revolutionary and Islamist forces appear as irresponsible and chaotic. They put the blame on Islamists to a great extent by portraying them as reckless, unmindful of the people's interests and violent," said Samer Suleiman, a political scientist at the American University in Cairo. One person died and 296 people were injured in last Friday's clashes between protesters and military forces outside the Defense Ministry. Fighting between protesters, mostly Salafis, and other civilians earlier in the week left 11 people dead. In a development that many people saw as dangerous, protesters were reportedly seen with guns for the first time since the revolution began. One Abbasseya resident was killed in the crossfire as fighting trickled to the side streets throughout the week. The clashes will improve the chances of presidential candidates who belong to the old regime such as former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq and former Foreign Minister Amr Moussa, since their campaign promises focus on restoring security and stability to the country, Suleiman told Egypt Independent. Although the military crackdown dealt a blow to revolutionary forces through the random detentions of activists, the casualties were fewer than previous clampdowns during which tens were shot by the military and security forces. "We [revolutionaries] definitely lost the public opinion after Friday and now the SCAF is appearing as the protector of the state and its institutions," said Mohamed Effat, a video journalist and activist. Effat was against the sit-in and its goals, even though he supported them after they were attacked out of solidarity and in defense of their right to peacefully protest. "The escalation, marching to the Defense Ministry, its timing and goals were politically stupid. It's meaningless to start a sit-in there calling for the fall of military rule three weeks before the presidential election because it will backfire," he says. Because the sit-in was initiated by supporters of disqualified Salafi presidential candidate Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, Islamists were largely blamed for the chaos by different media outlets. "They are tapping in on the Islamophobia inside everyone so people rush into the arms of the army begging them not to leave power," said Effat. Since the resignation of former President Hosni Mubarak following the 18-day uprising, Islamists have risen as the dominant force in Egypt's political arena, manifested in their landslide victory in parliamentary elections as both the Muslim Brotherhood and ultra-conservative Salafis won about 70 percent of seats in Parliament. Mohamed Seif al-Dawla, a political analyst, argued that the SCAF used the recent violence to smear its Islamist opponents. "Even though the main Islamist political parties, the Freedom and Justice Party and the Salafi Nour Party, were not present at the sit-in, state media were exaggerating minor violations from the protesters who were majority Salafis in order to weaken the Islamist forces' public support," he said. Seif al-Dawla believes that the SCAF is paving the way to maintain a strong influence on the government and its policies even after it officially hands over power to an elected civilian president in June. A sense of chaos in the country will help the generals to justify their continued role. The military council was being increasingly criticized for its failure to manage the transition period. The revolution's goals of dignity, social justice and freedom have gone unheeded as the country's economy teeters on the edge of crisis - protests and strikes continue, about 200 protesters were killed by the military and security forces since February 2011 and crime persists throughout the country. The frustration with the SCAF's management was reflected in the nationwide marches on the revolution's anniversary, calling for the fall of military rule. However, Ashraf al-Sherif, a political science professor at the American University in Cairo, believes that the rough transition period has been intentionally orchestrated by the SCAF, which doesn't want real change. "The SCAF wants to maintain a political void. They neither have a political project nor the means to apply it, but at the same time they are against relaying real power to any other political force," said Sherif. Sherif argues that even though the SCAF can't afford to cancel the presidential election, the transfer of power will only be superficial as the generals will make sure to limit the powers of an elected executive authority, just as they have the current Parliament. "It seems that there are new institutions that ostensibly share power with the SCAF, such as Parliament, but in reality they have very limited space for maneuver. When the Brotherhood tried to cross these limits, they clashed [with the SCAF]," said Sherif. The period of relative agreement between the SCAF and the Brotherhood came to an end after the Islamist group reneged on its previous promise not to field a presidential candidate. They had nominated Khairat al-Shater, the deputy supreme guide, who was later disqualified from running. The Brotherhood's political party then put forward its president, Mohamed Morsy, as a candidate. The Brotherhood, which holds the largest number of parliamentary seats, hasn't been able to win most of its political battles with the SCAF or the secular forces, including its demands to sack the cabinet and its attempt to dominate the Constituent Assembly charged with writing a new constitution. According to Sherif , the SCAF has weakened the revolutionary forces such as the April 6 Youth Movement, the Ultras, the Revolutionary Socialists and, most recently, Abu Ismail's supporters. General Hassan al-Roweiny, SCAF member, previously accused the April 6 Youth Movement, a major player in the 25 January revolution, of having foreign agendas and aiming to incite division between the people and the military. More than 70 Ultras, hardcore football fans who also played an important role in revolutionary actions, were killed in a soccer game by the supporters of an opposing team in an incident that many believed was planned by the security forces as payback. At the same time, says Sherif, "The SCAF has been engineering its relations with the political forces through playing the Islamists against the secularists and vice versa, then playing the role of the mediator at times and at other times being an opponent." Still, political forces and revolutionary groups share some of the blame for their marginalization. Their political immaturity and lack of foresight has prevented them from securing real political gains or making inroads with the majority of the population who are not wholeheartedly committed to revolutionary goals. Additionally, secularists have had no problem allying with the SCAF against the Islamists when it is convenient, and they were against the radicalizing of revolutionary forces in the street so that they won't compete with them for public support, said Sherif. The Islamists, meanwhile, don't have clear political projects, according to Sherif. They can't think strategically, and they have been misusing their parliamentary majority, which led to mistrust between them and secularists. Revolutionary forces are now seeing the need to turn to politics, saying they will focus on the presidential election, which is three weeks away. |
92 | 2012-05-09 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-gather-police-academy-ahead-port-said-trial-nehal-news-1 | Dozens of Al-Ahly football club fans known as ultras gathered in front of the Police Academy Wednesday for the trial of 75 suspects accused of attacking and killing googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); dozens following a February match in Port Said. The criminal court scheduled the third trial session for hearing the testimonies of witnesses from numbers 56 to 68 and reviewing footage included in the investigation evidence. The session was supposed to be held Saturday but was postponed until Wednesday because the suspects were absent and due to insufficient security because of clashes at protests in Abbasseya. Military and security forces were deployed around the academy Wednesday. On 1 February, supporters of Port Said's home club, Masry, and Cairo's leading team, Ahly, began clashing after Masry fans stormed the pitch following the team's victory. In the ensuing violence, 74 were killed and hundreds injured in one of the deadliest football-related incidents in history. Critics have accused security forces of, at best, doing little to prevent the fighting and, at worst, of a conspiracy to incite unrest. A month later, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud referred the suspects to criminal court, including nine Port Said police officers and three Masry club executives. Two minors were also referred to juvenile court. During the most recent session, the court also ruled that the interior minister, head of the National Sports Council, head of Masry club and head of the National Football Association would be included as defendants in the civil lawsuits filed by relatives of those killed and injured in the violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
93 | 2012-05-12 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/mosry-rally-cairo-university-attracts-thousands | A crowd of thousands gathered at a youth-focused campaign rally for Muslim Brotherhood presidential candidate Mohamed Morsy Saturday evening at Cairo University. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Supporters marched in nearby streets, disrupting traffic in the area and chanting slogans for Morsy and carrying posters bearing his image. In attendance were Freedom and Justice political party leaders, and legislators from both houses of Parliament. Also present were members of the hard-core soccer fan group the Ultras, who chanted "Freedom and Justice, the men are behind Morsy." On a stage, organizers of the conference broadcast Quranic verses, and patriotic songs. One rap song featured the lyrics "Morsy, Morsy, son of the Brotherhood, symbol of balance, come on, come on, you millions of Egyptians, your wound will heal and oppression is gone... Renaissance, renaissance, the will of the millions, better years are coming." Campaign workers distributed Morsy leaflets to passing by pedestrians and cars. Also present were some Salafi leaders who have endorsed Morsy. Second deputy of the Committee for Sharia Law and Reform Mohamed Abdel Maqsood led supporters in chants of "Salafi and Brotherhood, one hand." Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
94 | 2012-05-18 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/unconventional-campaigners-help-moussas-broad-appeal-0 | Fares Teama stands out slightly on the Amr Moussa campaign bus. Unlike the rest of the campaign team, decked out in business suits and khakis, Hajj Fares, as he is known on the campaign trail, wears a blue galabeya and a mustache as he rides along with the presidential candidate from campaign stop to campaign stop. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As he smokes a cigarette, the vegetable merchant-turned-presidential campaign activist explains to Egypt Independent why he has decided to leave his son in charge of the business while he tours with Moussa for over a year. "The whole world knows who Amr Moussa is and he knows Egypt's worth," says the 44-year-old father of seven who originally comes from Monufiya but currently lives in Matareya, Cairo. Moussa, a former foreign minister in the deposed regime, is a frontrunner in the election set to begin on 23 and 24 May. His political experience and promises of prosperity give him wide appeal, but the way the message is delivered also helps. Moussa's campaign is reaching out to a diverse base of supporters by trying to portray a candidate with cross-sectional appeal. While the campaign includes politicians and college professors who inspire confidence in their professionalism, it also includes members of certain marginalized sectors, which are more likely to follow one of their own than to respond to a Cairene campaigner. According to Ahmed Mokdamy, a media coordinator in the campaign, the campaign includes Bedouin and Nubian representatives and workers. As there is high level of mistrust toward politicians in these sectors due to years of marginalization, insider campaigners go a long way. Members of hardcore football fan groups, ultras, also contribute to the campaign, informally, by traveling with it to protect the rallies. "We have to communicate with all the classes of society, and this diversity among the volunteers enables communication with each individual in the language he understands," Ashraf Swelam, a senior political advisor to the Moussa campaign, told Egypt Independent at the campaign's central office in Dokki. The campaign's coordinators across the country are varied depending on the nature of the place, from white-collar employees to farmers and merchants, Swelam says. Moussa has visited each of Egypt's 27 governorates during his campaign, some more than once. The campaign also has at least one office in every governorate, which are financially and operationally independent from the central campaign. College students have also been generous with their contribution to Moussa's campaign. Many colleges around the country have formed their own parallel Moussa campaigns whose members show up to his rallies in their own busses. Sweilam says that while most of these college campaigns started on their own initiative, they now coordinate their efforts with the respective governorate's campaign office. The decentralization of the campaign, in addition to Moussa's extensive touring, has allowed the campaign to make a good use of Moussa enthusiasts around the country and to incorporate their efforts into the central campaign. Hajj Fares started showing his support for Moussa by sending out text messages to his friends and setting up banners in his area before he established contact with the campaign in a rally. The campaign now benefits from Hajj Fares' contacts around the country, which he has made as a merchant, by having him travel to governorates ahead of rallies, or call his acquaintances if he is unable to travel, to gather support. Except for a few senior campaign members who quit their jobs to work on the campaign full time, Swelam says most campaign members are volunteers. Moussa's ability to attract traditionally non-politicized sectors to his campaign is not the result of chance. While drafting his platform, the campaign put significant weight on what people want, as explained by Swelam, who is also the chief editor of Moussa's platform. Mohamed Morsy, the Muslim Brotherhood candidate, positions himself as the choice for the group supporters and other Islamists, while Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, another frontrunner, tries to balance an image that's appealing to liberals, Salafis and revolutionaries. Swelam explains that, unlike most candidates, Moussa's campaign targets everyone. "Our constituency is Egypt," Swelam says. However, one sector still opposes Moussa's candidacy: some supporters of the revolution denounce Moussa as a remnant of the former regime and say his election would be treason against the revolution. When Egypt Independent asked Swelam how the campaign dealt with this, his short answer was, "We don't." Realizing that Moussa can make it without the votes of those who consider him feloul, a word used to describe members of the Mubarak regime, the campaign doesn't waste its time trying to change their minds and instead focuses on the majority, which it believes cares about its interests more than Moussa's past. "Since March 2011, not a single poll has not shown Moussa leading the pack, so it's obvious that the feloul issue is a concern of a minority. We totally dismiss them," says Swelam. |
95 | 2012-05-26 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/shafiq-vows-revive-revolution-bring-stability | In an address to journalists on Saturday afternoon, former prime minister and presidential election front-runner Ahmed Shafiq said the revolution has been stolen from the youth and that he will make sure to return it to them. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); It was a very different mood at his campaign headquarters to that of previous press conferences. Suddenly, the former army officer has found himself the main act in Egypt's presidential elections after coming second to the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsy. Initial results say he reaped 24.5 percent of the votes. Both will enter run-offs. Entrance to the pleasant suburban villa that houses the Shafiq campaign was heavily restricted, campaigners perhaps trying to avoid a repetition of what happened when Shafiq went to cast his vote in his New Cairo polling station on Wednesday. He had a shoe thrown at him. Shafiq, standing on a wooden block in front of a podium set up in the villa's garden, addressed a writhing throng of photographers and cameramen. He chided them when they refused to move away from the podium. Talk of the revolution dominated Shafiq's statement. After thanking Egyptians who "answered his call" and voted for him, he said the elections would not have happened without the revolution and those who made sacrifices and died for it. There would be "no turning back," Shafiq said. "I promise all Egyptians we will start a new era. There will be no return. We do not want to reproduce the old regime. The past is dead," Shafiq told journalists. But when several journalists questioned Shafiq about his connections with the former regime, he gave them short shrift, telling one journalist "again? I'm bored of these questions," prompting laughter from the press conference. Shafiq dedicated a part of his address to Egypt's young people, specifically "the 6 April Youth Movement and the Ultras [hardcore football fans who've had a prominent presence in protests over the past year and a half], who want decent youth centers." He said, "the revolution has been stolen out of your hands. I promise to return to you its fruits." During the 18-day uprising last January, Shafiq appeared on television and mockingly offered the protesters candy if they would go home. He has since referred to the revolution as "unfortunate." In the conference, he also thanked the army for ensuring fair elections, which "reaffirmed their historic role." He then turned to some of his presidential election opponents, running through them one by one: "Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, the doctor and the politician. My friend and brother Amr Moussa the international diplomat. The respectable judge Hesham al-Bastawisi." Addressing Egyptians at large, to whom his talk about stability has been currency, he said, "Egyptian citizens: At the start of the manifesto I announced during the first round of elections, I promised security. Your millions of votes say that you want that and do not want our country to sink into chaos. My promise to restore security still applies, according to the law and with respect for human rights." Shafiq also promised job opportunities, social justice, "acceptable" healthcare, comprehensive social insurance and development. He said that these goals would only be attained "if there is stability." "There is no stability without security," Shafiq said. Addressing his political opponents, Shafiq said he is "open to dialogue" with all political forces while at the same time being "determined" to build an "alliance with the people." In an interview on Friday with Al-Hayat satellite channel, Shafiq said he wouldn't mind the Brotherhood forming a cabinet if he is elected president. Shafiq said that his presidential race is motivated not by ambitions for power but by a desire to "take Egypt into a new era." |
96 | 2012-06-02 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/several-political-powers-protest-mubarak-trial-verdict-lina | Marches are being staged nationwide in protest of the verdict handed out by a Cairo court today in the case against former President Hosni Mubarak and ten other defendants accused of killing protesters and squandering funds. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Mubarak received a life sentence alongside his Minister of Interior Habib al-Adly. All other defendants were acquitted. Over 500 activists and martyrs' relatives in Alexandria protested on the stairs of the High Court in al-Mansheya district against the sentence. A march headed to Al-Qaed Ibrahim Square, blocking the Corniche Road and preventing cars from passing. The protesters chanted: "We don't want much talk, we want a death sentence," "Trial, trial, the same gang still rules," "Oh general prosecutor, for how much have you sold the blood of martyrs?" and "Death sentence to Hosni Mubarak." The protesters expressed their dissatisfaction with the ruling saying it was not enough due to the heinous crimes the defendants committed against protesters. Many across the country said only a death sentence would have been sufficient. In Aswan, hundreds of members of the Revolutionary Youth Coalition, political parties, Kefaya and April 6 Youth Movement, staged marches to condemn the verdict, which found most of the Ministry of Interior officials, top aides of Adly, innocent. They called for reviving the revolution, holding revolutionary trials of Mubarak and icons of his regime and purging the judiciary of corruption. Wael Refaat, a lawyer and media spokesperson for the Coalition of Revolution Youth, criticized the exoneration of Mubarak's sons and Adly's aides and said the ruling opens the door for the exoneration of Mubarak and Adly if their sentences are appealed. The presiding judge's introduction, he said, gave the impression that he was going to sentence the defendants to death. Al-Rouby Gomaa, a rights activist and the head of Lawyers against Corruption Movement, described declaring Adly's assistants innocent as unfair, saying Adly's aides are only his followers Adly who responded to his orders to kill protesters and damage important evidence, abusing their positions. Mostafa Mandour, secretary for Salafi-oriented Assala Party in Aswan, said, "The people are dissatisfied with the light sentences. The people are capable of returning to the streets." In Daqahliya, in the Delta of Egypt, hundreds of revolution youth, and members from Hazemoun Movement, Haqqi, 8th April officers, Emsek Feloul, April 6th Youth movements, protested in the Shuhada Square in front of the Daqahliya governorate headquarters against the Mubarak trial verdicts. The protesters toured several streets in Mansoura. The protesters chanted, "We want retribution, they killed our brothers," and "In the name of God, we came to say to the oppressor 'No'," and carried hanged dummies of Mubarak and Adly. In a statement, the protesters said the rulings "do not meet expectations", and added that Mubarak and Adly would be exonerated if they appealed the verdict since Adly and his assistants were declared innocent. In Suez, one of the first places to erupt in the January 2011 uprising and to offer martyrs, protesters took to the landmark Arbaeen Square to express the verdict rejection. They chanted, "Oh martyr, sleep and relax, and we shall continue to resist." They also shouted, "Execution, execution!" Sayed Raafat al-Abed, member of the Freedom and Justice Party in Suez said that the ruling "does not conform to the amount of blood split in all Egypt's squares and all the wounded who incurred serious injuries during the uprising." Similarly, Talaat Khalil, secretary general of Ghad al-Thawra Party in Suez, said, "The preamble presented by Judge Ahmad Refaat is an accusation of the whole Mubarak era, as if it was a revolutionary court. But when he moved to pronouncing the verdict in the case, he simply accused the prosecution for not giving him enough evidence." Ali al-Geneidy, whose son Islam was killed in Suez during the uprising by gunfire, said he had expected Adly's execution, but was surprised to find all his aides who gave orders to central security officers to shoot protesters acquitted. He called it "a planned scenario which is complemented by the acquittal of a lot of policemen in other cases raised for the killing of protesters." There are 26 other cases heard in different courts in Egypt where policemen are accused of killing protesters during the 25 January uprising. Meanwhile, Ultras Ahlawy called on people to take to the streets following the issuing of the verdict. On Facebook, the statement described the verdict as "the final scene in the farce" that signals the return of the suppressive regime and called on people to revive the revolution. "Simply, if the dream of the revolution is still alive within you, or if this country means anything to you ...whether you are into politics or not, you should be out on the street, with the revolutionaries," the message read. Edited translations from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
98 | 2012-06-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/april-6-youth-movement-agrees-revolutionary-figures-continue-demonstrations | The April 6 Youth Movement googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); met Monday with certain former presidential candidates and revolutionary figures and agreed to continue with mass demonstrations on Tuesday in order to complete the demands of the revolution. In a statement made Monday, the group said all parties present at the meeting agreed to work on lobbying for the political isolation law that would ban candidate Ahmed Shafiq from the presidential race. Other demands include a retrial for Mubarak and his men, cleansing the judicial system and dismissing the attorney general. The statement said attendees to the meeting included former presidential candidates Hamdeen Sabbahi, Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh and Khaled Ali, as well as MP Essam Sultan, Wasat Party head Abul Ela Mady, and film director Khaled Youssef. Representatives for the Ultras Ahlawy and bloggers also attended. Earlier in the day, the April 6 Youth Movement, the 25 January Revolution Youth Coalition, the Maspero Youth Union and other groups called for mass protests Tuesday to demand the retrial of officers accused of involvement in the killing of protesters during the January 2011 uprising. The April 6 Youth Movement was one of the main organizations that promoted anti-Mubarak protests at the beginning of 2011. Massive protests on 25 January sparked a wave of demonstrations that ultimately culminated in Mubarak's resignation on 11 February 2011. In recent months, April 6 has been highly critical of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which assumed power after Mubarak. In July, the SCAF accused the group of treason following a planned demonstration in front of the Defense Ministry. |
99 | 2012-06-04 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/protests-demanding-mubarak-retrial-and-shafiq-removal-continue | Hundreds of Egyptians continued to protest Monday in Cairo and other governorates against the verdict googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); issued against ousted President Hosni Mubarak and his former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly. Demonstrators also demanded that the political isolation law be applied to runoff presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak's former prime minister. Three marches joined protesters in Tahrir Square coming from the Shubra, Dar al-Qadaa al-Ali, and Agouza neighborhoods of Cairo. The Dar al-Qadaa al-Ali march was joined by members of Ultras Ahlawy who chanted, "The people want purge the judiciary," and "No to feloul (remnants of the collapsed regime)," in reference to Ahmed Shafiq. The march from Shubra neighborhood was joined by imams from Al-Azhar, as well as members of April 6 Youth Movement. The Zamalek Ultras White Nights participated in the Agouza district march, demanding that Mubarak be retried. Chanting, "We students are with the workers, united against capitalism," some 200 Cairo University students marched to Tahrir Square. Protesters demanded revenge for the deaths of the martyrs, the retrial of the Mubarak and the other defendants, and Shafiq's ouster from the presidential race. "The verdict of Mubarak's case shows that nothing has changed. It is a farce," said Abdel Rahman Farouk, a student who took part in the march. "The law of political isolation must be applied to Shafiq, who was Mubarak's right hand. His regime must be held accountable. We must speed up the formation of a civilian presidential council, because the Egyptian people are on the threshold of a second revolution," Farouk added. Three marches took place in Minya Governorate in Upper Egypt, with nearly 250 people rallying in Minya City before reaching Palace Square. Another 150 protested before the court of Maghagha and then took to the streets of the city, while some 300 others gathered outside Abu Khafaja Mosque in Adwa and chanted slogans against the former regime. Dozens of activists also demonstrated in front of Daqahlia City Hall this Monday and decided to have an overnight sit-in to protest the verdicts, and to demand the removal of the attorney general, the application of the isolation law, the retrial of Mubarak and the purging of the judiciary. Demonstrators called on revolutionary forces to mobilize citizens to participate in the "Tuesday of Justice," chanting, "Don't be afraid to say it, SCAF has to go," and "Whoever is silent, why are you still silent? Have you claimed your rights?" Banners were held bearing Shafiq's image with written slogans declaring, "No leftovers," "Don't vote for the supervisor of the Battle of the Camel," and, "We haven't forgotten you, martyr. We haven't forgotten Khaled Saeed," in reference to the 2010 death of Khaled Saeed at the hands of police forces, an event that is considered to be a major contributing factor to the 2011 revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
100 | 2012-06-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/baradie-real-battle-cancelling-presidential-elections-news-1 | Mohamed ElBaradei told reporters Tuesday night that, "The real battle right now is writing Egypt's new constitution and canceling the presidential elections, because the legitimacy of one of the candidates is highly doubtful," referring to former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egyptians have been driven to demonstrate in squares across the country because the goals of the 25 January revolution have not been achieved, ElBaradei, the former head of the UN nuclear watchdog, said upon his arrival in Cairo airport. ElBaradei was returning from Vienna and was received by supporters and journalists. ElBaradei also said there are doubts about the legitimacy of Parliament, and added that he is heading to Tahrir Square to "support the protesters." ElBaradei said that he would hold a meeting with the revolutionary youth, claiming that, "The revolution did not achieve any of its goals, including bread, freedom and social justice." All political powers, including parties, presidential candidates, Parliament and revolutionary forces must hold a meeting in this critical stage to find a way out of this crisis, ElBaradei said. A number of political powers agreed in a meeting that continued till 2 am Sunday on three demands: the cancelation of the presidential election, the immediate transfer of power from the military council to a civilian presidential council, and holding special "revolutionary tribunals" for the defendants in the Mubarak case. The meeting participants released a statement saying that the presidential election would be invalid "under the rule of the military council." The meeting was held at the Egyptian Current Party headquarters and was attended by a number of political, revolutionary and youth movements including the Revolutionary Socialists, the Alliance of Revolutionary Forces, the Second Revolution of Anger, the Free Egyptians Party, the Free Salafi Youth Movement, the Ultras Ahlawy and the Zamalek White Knights, the Maspero Youth Union and the Free Front for Peaceful Change. |
101 | 2012-06-05 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-flock-tahrir-square-preparation-tuesday-protestnews1 | Thousands of Egyptians from different backgrounds and affiliations took to the iconic Tahrir Square googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); on Tuesday to call for the application of the Political Isolation Law against presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq and a retrial in the Mubarak case, in which six top security officials were acquitted of killing protesters during the 25 January uprising. The protest grew throughout the day as a number of marches from all over Cairo led by parliamentarians, former presidential hopefuls, revolutionaries and movements including the Muslim Brotherhood joined the demonstration. The Health Ministry said that a total number of seven people have been injured during Tuesday's demonstrations, six of whom were transferred to hospitals for treatment and are all in good condition. The head of the Egyptian Ambulance Authority, Ahmed al-Ansari, said that most of the people suffered from low blood pressure and fainting, while two other people suffered minor injuries. A group of parliamentarians marched to Tahrir after People's Assembly Speaker Saad al-Katatny decided to end the evening session to allow members to join the ongoing demonstration. Independent MP Hamdy al-Fakhrany was among those who submitted a request to end the session early, Katatny said. The march included Freedom and Justice Party MP Mohamed al-Beltagy, Social Democratic Party MP Zyad Elelaimy and Salafi Asala Party MP Mamdouh Ismail, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. Beltagy confirmed to Al-Masry Al-Youm the necessity of "retrials [in the Mubarak case] and enforcing the Political Isolation Law," and added that Morsy's Nahda (Renaissance) Project is capable of achieving the goals and aspirations of the Egyptian people. A march led by former presidential hopefuls Hamdeen Sabbahi and Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh also marched to Tahrir from a mosque in the Mohandiseen neighborhood of Cairo. The protesters carried signs reading, "No elections without the exclusion" and chanted against Shafiq and against the military council that they believe supports him. "Listen to us Shafiq, it seems you like to be insulted," and "If you're asking, 'Why Shafiq,' the field marshal brought him with his own hands," chanted the crowd. "The exclusion law is the first thing; it's unacceptable that Mubarak's man who doesn't even acknowledge us [the revolutionaries] participates in the first election after the revolution," said housewife Hanan Hassan as she took part in the protest. Some protesters called for a presidential council to take over power while others said that this is still under negotiation and the most important thing is to exclude Shafiq from the race. Activists from the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, as well as members of the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, joined the march. The protesters found the current crisis an ideal time for the people to unite. "Let's go to the square, one hand just like the old times," the protesters chanted referring to the first 18 days of the revolution when all sectors of society united to overthrow Mubarak. "The military council confronted us with two candidates that we don't want, thinking that they'll force us to choose the one they want; instead they have revived the revolution in the street," said Samir Hamad, a member of the Popular Committees to Protect the Revolution. Sabbahi, the second runner up in the first phase of the election, received a hero's welcome, lifted up on shoulders as the crowd chanted, "Here is the president." Sabbahi and Abouel Fotouh demonstrated their newly forged unity by standing on a van and holding up their joined fists. Some in the crowd, however, saw the gesture as coming too late. "Now they're uniting," smirked one of the protesters, to which another responded, "Don't remind me, god forgive us all." Failed attempts to convince Abouel Fotouh and Sabbahi to run on the same ticket could have changed the course of the election entirely, as they garnered 40 percent of votes in the first round between the two of them. The Socialist Popular Alliance Party slammed the Muslim Brotherhood in a statement released Tuesday evening, accusing it of riding the new revolutionary wave for the sake of its presidential candidate in the runoff. Thousands of protesters led by former presidential candidate Khaled Ali marched from Fatah Mosque in Ramses Square to Tahrir. The demonstrators chanted, "We swear by the blood of the martyrs to start another revolution," "Down with military rule," and "The people demand to purge the judiciary." They carried banners saying, "The ousted regime is rebuilding itself" and "Down with [Field Marshal Hussein] Tantawi." Thousands of Ultras Ahlawy members joined protesters in Tahrir after a march from Zamalek neighborhood. Hundreds of demonstrators organized a march from Istiqama Mosque in Giza to Tahrir, carrying banners reading, "No to remnants of the ousted regime," "Down with military rule" and "Egypt is a state, not a military camp." Scores of protesters from Cairo University joined the march. Hundreds of activists from the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists had earlier led marches from several squares in Giza to Tahrir. The protesters called for the application of the Political Isolation Law against Shafiq, Mubarak's last prime minister. The law is currently being considered by the Constitutional Court. Protesters also demanded that the ousted president be executed, and also chanted slogans including, "The people want the martyrs' rights" and "Gamal, tell your father that revolutionaries hate you." Hundreds of revolutionaries and Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Dawah members travelled from Kafr al-Sheikh, north of Cairo, to take part in the demonstration in Tahrir. The spokesperson for Freedom and Justice Party in Kafr al-Sheikh, Ayman Hegazy, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the protesters left for Cairo on Tuesday morning to support the demonstrators in Tahrir. Several buses carrying thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members from various governorates had earlier arrived at Tahrir to take part in what activists have labeled a million-person protest against the verdicts in the trial of former President Hosni Mubarak and others. Hundreds of protesters marched around the square, holding banners demanding a retrial for Mubarak, his sons Gamal and Alaa, and former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly. Popular committees in charge of securing the square's entrances disappeared as protesters began to flood the iconic traffic circle. By the afternoon, youths had begun collecting barriers to be set up on Talaat Harb Street leading to Tahrir. On Saturday, a Cairo criminal court sentenced Mubarak and Adly to life in prison for failing to prevent the murder of pro-democracy protesters during the 18-day revolt that forced Mubarak to step down. The court also exonerated six former senior security officials on the same charges. Mubarak's two sons and businessman Hussein Salem were found not guilty of separate financial corruption charges. The Tuesday demonstration also demanded the application of the military government-approved Political Isolation Law, which would prevent Shafiq from competing in the presidential runoff on 16 and 17 June. Protesters called for the formation of a presidential council comprising prominent pro-revolution figures to replace the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces two weeks before the election is set to take place. Shafiq and Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Morsy both reject the idea, saying the winner of the runoff election will be the legitimate president of the country. Tahrir Square, which was the center of the January 2011 uprising, has seen mass protests since the Mubarak trial verdict was issued. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
102 | 2012-06-27 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-families-port-said-victims-protest-front-police-academy | Relatives of Ahly Club supporters who were killed in the Port Said football stadium googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); last February blocked the road outside the Police Academy in Cairo on Wednesday. They were protesting the Port Said Criminal Court's decision that they cannot attend the trial of the 75 defendants in the case. The Ultras Ahlawy joined in the protest. Police stationed in front of the police academy managed to prevent clashes between the families and drivers who were affected by the road blockage. The court said it took the measures to avoid fights between the victims' families and defendants during the trial. On 1 February 2012, a premier league match between Port Said's football team Masry and guest team Ahly in Port Said Stadium ended when Masry fans swarmed the pitch and attacked Ahly supporters. The rampage led to 74 deaths. During Wednesday's session, the court heard the testimonies of defense witnesses and the defendants, who denied all charges. An altercation took place between the defense team of the nine officers charged in the case and that of the other defendants, who accused the former of guiding the witnesses to testify in a manner that would exonerate their clients. Witnesses had denied the involvement of certain defendants who they said were not present during the violence, while another witness said he had warned the security director of a conspiracy days before the incident took place. Islam Ezz Eddin, 23, a photojournalist who administers the Masry fans' website, said he had attended a meeting of the club's supporters one day before the match. He said attendees at the meeting had agreed to welcome Ahly fans. He blamed the fatal clashes that occurred on 1 February on an insulting banner displayed by supporters of the rival team. Eddin also said he had told Port Said's security chief, Essam Samak, that a plot was being prepared days before the game. Samak denies that this conversation took place. Eddin also blamed the stadium's lighting engineer for the light outage that occurred when the violence broke out. The court decided to adjourn until Wednesday and Thursday to continue hearing witnesses. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
103 | 2012-07-08 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/morsy-s-debts | For 16 months, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces has tried to convince us we are indebted to it for the revolution. In reality, it was the military council that was indebted to us for its newfound absolute powers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Today, there's enough debt to go around. The Salafis owe the revolution their historic political rise and escape from the noose of Hosni Mubarak's state security. The country's liberals owe the SCAF and the judiciary for the disqualification of ultraconservative Salafi Sheikh Hazem Salah Abu Ismail from the presidential roster. The military is indebted to the Muslim Brotherhood for its silent obedience throughout a year of violence against protesters and revolutionaries. The Brotherhood owes non-Islamist revolutionaries for kick-starting the uprising last year. All of this debt has built up while the country is running in the red. Virtually no single political institution, party, organization, group, state apparatus or movement possesses a reservoir of absolute legitimacy in the current maelstrom. Yet the one person whose debts are most colossal is newly minted President Mohamed Morsy. Many commentators and Morsy himself have admitted that even if he possessed executive power - which was recently stripped of him by the SCAF's supplement to the Constitutional Declaration - the task of balancing the economy, uniting the public, managing the country's increasingly entangled foreign policy, and most importantly enacting directives that fulfill the revolution's goals of subsidies, dignity, freedom and social justice, appears at least insurmountable. But even all of these challenges do not obfuscate his greatest burden. Like Atlas from the Greek myth, who was condemned to carry the celestial universe (depicted in art as the earth) on his shoulders for eternity, Morsy carries into his amputated presidential post a universe of un-payable debts. Morsy's greatest creditor is, of course, the Brotherhood, for nurturing him throughout much of his political and professional career and for pulling him out of near obscurity to lead its charge to the presidential palace. He owes Khairat al-Shater, the Brotherhood behemoth, for relinquishing the spotlight to him and entrusting him with this task. He cannot forget the organization's investment of tens of millions of pounds, if not more, and the dedication of tens of thousands of its loyalists to energize his campaign. He owes Brotherhood Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie for exercising his authority and dominion to bestow his blessings, vet and allow him to be the face of a long-awaited Brotherhood presidency. That is why we should see Morsy's public removal from the Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party ahead of his ascendency to the presidency as a far-fetched and unconvincing gimmick. A significant proportion of Morsy's deficit is owed to the ruling military council, with which he's been playing a game of rhetorical brinkmanship over the past few weeks. Both have flexed their muscles ahead of a seemingly conciliatory conclusion. Lest we be fooling ourselves, the Presidential Elections Commission, which in addition to being absolute and incontestable in its rulings, was appointed by the military council. There are at least five scenarios the commission could have orchestrated to significantly disadvantage Morsy - including the disqualification of his former opponent, ex-Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq, which would have fielded an arguably more competitive contender - or barring Morsy from the race on the grounds of illegal campaigning by the Brotherhood and the FJP. But none of these things happened. At Hike Step military base on Saturday afternoon, in what was dubbed a "transfer of power" ceremony, the SCAF reminded Morsy in not-so-subtle ways that had it not been for the generals, Egypt would not be where it is now, and by extension, neither would Morsy. So in the end, Morsy is president not simply because of the electoral win, but with a nod from the military council, a debt he will have to repay. And if that wasn't enough, perhaps Morsy's greatest debt is to the electorate outside of the Muslim Brotherhood, whose support catapulted him past his contender. From revolutionary groups to individuals, from the April 6 Youth Movement to the ultras, from activist Wael Ghonim to the once-demonized Revolutionary Socialists, Morsy's diametrically opposed camp is extremely wide and polarized, pushing him beyond his Brotherhood base. Many of these groups "squeezed a lemon over themselves" (an adage meaning bit their tongues and acted against their natural will) and voted for Morsy to defeat the old regime. They did so despite the unflattering and often counter-revolutionary record of the Brotherhood throughout the transition. This non-Brotherhood electorate, which entrusted Morsy with its vote, expects to be vindicated in their support. Asserting his revolutionary tendencies, Morsy participated in an electrifying mock swearing-in on a stage in Tahrir as if to spite the SCAF, then politely and obediently succumbed to its will the following day to get officially confirmed as president before the Supreme Constitutional Court. As the president becomes a more adept and charismatic performer with every engagement, he is also honing his ability to circumvent confrontation by speaking from both sides of his mouth. This ambivalence should force the revolution's proponents to take heed and judge Morsy on his actions rather than his words. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition. |
104 | 2012-07-16 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-association-asks-morsy-intervene-suspension-end | Egyptian Football Association spokesperson Azmi Megahed called on President Mohamed Morsy to intervene against the suspension of football activities in Egypt. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The EFA received a letter Sunday from the Interior Ministry saying that it refuses to resume football activities because of the current security situation, state-run news agency MENA reported. "I believe that the ministry's decree was hasty and I even consider it to be disastrous as football activities have been suspended since February. The president must intervene to find a solution since football is a source of income for a wide range of people," Megahed said. "Egyptian clubs are facing severe financial crises after the suspension and cannot find resources to pay the players after the withdrawal of the sponsoring companies. The suspension has also harmed the national team," he added. Megahed said that players with the clubs' second and third tier teams who are poorly paid have had to look for other sources of income during the suspension. The Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans who support Cairo's Ahly club, has announced that it will hold a march Tuesday from the Ahly Club to the Journalists Syndicate then will hold a news conference about the Port Said violence, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. The group said in statement on its Facebook page Monday that the press conference would disclose information about the 1 February violence, when fans of Port Said's home team, Masry, flooded the pitch and the visiting team's stands following a victory over Ahly, leading to 74 deaths and hundreds of injuries. Some Ultras Ahlawy broke into the team's training session last week and held banners slamming the team's administration and its players for how they dealt with the Port Said issue. Ahly's administration held a news conference Monday that a few of the martyrs' families attended. Hassan Hamdy, the president of the club, launched an attack on the Ultras Ahlawy during the presser. "This is an incident that the club has never before witnessed, and it is not acceptable for its fans and its members," Ahly's official website quoted Hamdy as saying. Hamdy reportedly agreed to make a second financial reimbursement to the martyrs' families before the month of Ramadan. Edited translations from MENA and Al-Masry Al-Youm |
105 | 2012-07-17 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/clashes-break-out-ultras-ahlawy-protest | Clashes erupted Tuesday evening between members of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , a group of hardcore football fans who support Cairo's Ahly football team, and anonymous people who rejected their protest in downtown Cairo. Dozens of Ultras Ahlawy staged a protest at the Journalists Syndicate Tuesday evening after marching from the Ahly Club in Zamalek. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that the clashes erupted after a quarrel between a kiosk owner outside the syndicate and ultras, which escalated into a fight with knives and rubber bullets. State-owned Al-Ahram newspaper said on its website that gunshots were heard but it reported no injuries. Al-Masry Al-Youm said that birdshots were fired during the clashes. The ultras reportedly withdrew after around 30 of their members were injured by stones and rubber bullets. The Health Ministry reported that six people sustained injuries in the clashes. The protesters reportedly headed back to the Ahly Club to continue their demonstration. Protesters demanded a speedy trial for those accused of inciting and perpetrating the violence in the Port Said football stadium on 1 February following a match between Ahly and the home team, Masry. Seventy-four people were killed and hundreds were injured when Masry fans stormed the pitch and the visiting team's stands. One Monday, the Port Said Criminal Court postponed the trial to 25 August. Kareem Rahim, one of the protest organizers, stressed that those killed in the Port Said violence are "martyrs," not mere victims or thugs. During the protest, the ultras chanted slogans against the club's administration, specifically the head of the club, Hassan Hamdy. They say the club has let its fans down. Some Ultras Ahlawy broke into the team's training session last week and held banners slamming the team's administration and its players for how they dealt with the Port Said issue. Ahly's administration held a news conference Monday that a few of the martyrs' families attended. Hamdy launched an attack on the Ultras Ahlawy during the presser. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm |
106 | 2012-07-17 | https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-s-deafening-three-letter-yell | When comedian Ahmed Mekky uttered the Latinized acronym for the slang term "aha" in his film "H Dabbour," he broke a taboo in the film industry. But because he spelled it out in English as "a7a" - to represent the heavy "h" sound in Arabic - its incomprehensibility to the censors and anyone with little online knowledge allowed it to slip the ironclad grip of the Mubarak-era cinema gatekeepers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Yet the term, whose etymological roots are very difficult to disentangle, remains a salient part of Egyptians' expression of disdain, shock, agony, anger and a plethora of other hyperbolic emotional states. Whether it is a verb, noun, adjective or onomatopoeia is inconsequential because its meaning is understood. In a personal conversation with writer and blogger Ahmed Nagy back in February 2008, he lashed out against the culture of conformity and the high premium paid to those who speak in polite euphemisms about the state of their lives and country. "So what if I say a7a! It is how we speak in this country! We hide behind politeness and accept what is happening around us!" But the term is not a newcomer to the Egyptian vernacular. Anecdote and testimony suggest the masses pleading with former President Gamal Abdel Nasser not to abdicate after the humiliating defeat of 1967 shouted "Aha, Aha, la tatanaha!" (A7a, a7a, don't abdicate!). Since the revolution, it has been used publicly to reflect on the deterioration of the country's political arena, from songs like "Aha ya thawra" (A7a, oh, revolution) by Ahmed al-Sawy to songs by the Ultras football fans. Historically, the fissures between socioeconomic classes in the country were maintained not only by access to authority and power but rather through the admonishment of the masses, on the grounds of what is often described as "vulgarity." A7a was once the explosive, screeching, unnerving, alarming and deafening yell of the "vulgar" poor. But as class consciousness was shaken to its core under the feet of a mass revolutionary movement, so has its vernacular. A7a now permeates all social classes with fervor, shattering social norms and elite mores. In a country whose masses are economically depressed, sexually repressed, and politically and socially suppressed, a7a is the semiotic sum of all dissident expression against the tyranny of the status quo. Both the enfranchised and the disenfranchised turn to it in frustration and camaraderie, even under the nose of societal etiquette and the dominion of authorities - whether armed with bullets, ideology or purported holiness. At a time when the state's role was to avoid at all costs khadsh haya', or scratching the modesty, of society - a precursor to the collapse of political honor - Egyptians, literary and lay, have empowered vulgarity and turned it into an arena for awe-inspiring creativity and a space for aesthetic brilliance. Yet this revolutionary generation of artists, writers, musicians and activists are walking in the footsteps of their ancestors who rescued language and expression from the fangs of power from time immemorial. Dating as far back as 1150 BC, ancient Egyptian artists produced what is now known as the satirical and erotic papyri, which ridiculed the pharaohs and royalty by depicting them as animals doing frivolous things, in the face of that period's culture of megalomaniacal self-deification. In other images, scruffy balding and overweight men, with comically oversized genitalia are shown performing sexual acts with many women in a fantastical fashion. Such images are a direct challenge to the absolute virility of the omnipotent god-kings. And the story continues. From Naguib Surour's infamous poem "Kos Omeyaat," which was banned from circulation in Egypt for decades, to Khairy Shalaby's extraordinarily explicit and evocative novels, such as "Wekalet 'Ateya" (The Lodging House) on life in Cairo's 'ashwa'eyaat (urban slums), Egypt's creative class have all too often used profanity to amplify the pulse of the street to the ivory towers. In April 2008, during an interview with Al Jazeera, poet Ahmed Fouad Negm recited a new poem suggestive of Gamal Mubarak called "'Arees al-Dawla" (The State's Groom). He recited: "Exit one heaven and enter another, it makes no difference to us, nor does it hurt our bodies, it doesn't break our hearts or bust our balls" before the interview was cut short. Today, no one is above the ridicule and sharp criticism of a newly liberated Egyptian public. From President Mohamed Morsy, who is the subject of a recently posted song on YouTube channel Bahgaga, and the Saudi king's backside described in Cairo graffiti, to an online voiceover of a Nour Party ad depicting the protagonist as a sex-crazed pedophile, the threat to power comes not from political adversaries but from the same creative class that produced the sa'aleek (vagabonds) of yesteryear: people like poet Abdel Hamid al-Deeb, writer Mahmoud al-Saadany and others. In our days of political jockeying, uncertainty and disparagement, many are resorting to the versatile three-letter word - if not for refuge, for release. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. This article was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition |
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